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  <front>
    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Navigating Controversy as a Complex Search Task</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Elad Yom-Tov</string-name>
          <email>eladyt@microsoft.com</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1">1</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>James Allan</string-name>
          <email>allan@cs.umass.edu</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Shiri Dori-Hacohen</string-name>
          <email>shiri@cs.umass.edu</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>Center for Intelligent, Information Retrieval, University of Massachusetts</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>Amherst</addr-line>
          ,
          <country country="US">USA</country>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff1">
          <label>1</label>
          <institution>Microsoft Research</institution>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <abstract>
        <p>Seeking information on a controversial topic is often a complex task, for both the user and the search engine. There are multiple subtleties involved with information seeking on controversial topics. Here we discuss some of the challenges in addressing these complex tasks, describing the spectrum between cases where there is a clear \right" answer, through fact disputes and moral debates, and discuss cases where search queries have a measurable e ect on the well-being of people. We brie y survey the current state of the art, and the many open questions remaining, including both technical challenges and the possible ethical implications for search engine algorithms.</p>
      </abstract>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>1. INTRODUCTION</title>
      <p>
        With the rise of personalization and the fear that it is
creating a \Filter Bubble", that is, exposure to a narrower
range of viewpoints [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref31">31</xref>
        ], navigating controversy is becoming
an increasingly challenging task for search engine users and
administrators alike. On one hand, by presenting answers to
a user's information need [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">9</xref>
        ], search engines feed into
conrmation bias and assist users - sometimes unawares - to
remain in their own echo chambers. On the other hand,
highlighting a controversy outright may have unintended
consequences. The subtle di erences between fact disputes and
their interpretations, between scienti c debates and moral
stands, further exacerbate these challenges.
      </p>
      <p>
        Information has a clear e ect on the choices people make.
The introduction of Fox News, a channel with clear
political leanings, was associated with a shift of 3-8% in voting
patterns in presidential elections from 1996 to 2000 towards
the channel's opinions [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">10</xref>
        ]. In the health domain, queries
about celebrities perceived as anorexic were shown to induce
queries indicative of eating disorders [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref45">45</xref>
        ].
      </p>
      <p>Therefore, when a user's information need pertains to a
controversial topic, their search task becomes complex, as
does the process of presenting the \correct" information.
Since search engines match keywords to the retrieved
docuCopyright c 2015 for the individual papers by the papers’ authors.
Copying permitted for private and academic purposes. This volume is published
and copyrighted by its editors.</p>
      <p>ECIR Supporting Complex Search Task Workshop ’15 Vienna, Austria
Published on CEUR-WS: http://ceur-ws.org/Vol-1338/.
ments, users are often left on their own to nd the language
used to describe di erent stances of an argument, in order
to issue queries to retrieve information about them, and to
classify the returned documents into these di erent views.
Should search engines help users explicitly in this process?
Should search engines make users aware of the di erent
aspects of a topic or, alternatively, downweight some views
(though this may arguably be viewed as censorship)? One
way or another, helping the user navigate the
controversial topic, along with its di erent opinions and stances, is a
crucial part of the search engine's role in the case of these
complex search tasks, be it implicitly or explicitly.</p>
      <p>Some might argue that the search engine's role in the case
of controversial topics ends at presenting the results in a
simple keyword-based \list of ten links" on a Search Engine
Results Page (SERP), and that the search engine has no
place to take a moral stand. Even presenting the
controversy and the various stances on it may not be a simple
choice: if search engines provide comprehensive information
on the di erent stances regarding a topic (e.g. presenting
pro-anorexia opinions alongside anorexia treatments), this
information may nudge people towards harmful behavior,
either by exposing them to wrong or harmful information,
or because users may stop perceiving search engines as
honest brokers of information.</p>
      <p>
        At the same time, simply providing every result available
with no quali cation can also be harmful, as disputed claims
are allowed to proliferate without any warning to the
unsuspecting user. For example, unproven, \quack" medical
treatments often put users at risk by warning them not to heed
their doctors [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1 ref4">1, 4</xref>
        ]. With unfounded claims widespread on
the web, there are subtle ethical concerns with settling for
a \buyer beware" (\caveat emptor") approach. Caplan and
Levin raise a similar concern regarding \caveat emptor" in
the medical realm: \...researchers have an obligation to do
more [in order] to enable patients to make informed choices"
[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
        ]. With concerns of life and death on the balance (e.g.,
in the case of medical controversies), we should not
underestimate the impact of such choices on search engine users.
Recent work assumes that trustworthiness should be
preserved, for example in the case of knowledge extraction [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">11</xref>
        ].
Some may go as far as arguing that, if technology allows
for discernment of trustworthy vs. non-trustworthy sources,
the search engine has an obligation to serve the trustworthy
results to the users; others may say this is a slippery slope,
and may in fact be viewed as censorship.
      </p>
      <p>
        When discussing \navigating controversy" as a complex
search task, there is an additional layer of complexity:
beyond the complex task that the user herself is trying to
complete, complexity also stems from the search engine's design
and algorithmic choices. It's possible that amidst all the
websites crawled by an engine, the correct response (if one
even exists) is nowhere to be found, or is unfairly biased [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref42">42</xref>
        ].
Should a search engine operator be concerned with civic or
ethical implications of the search results it serves on
controversial topics [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref20">20</xref>
        ]? Should the user always be provided with
what they want to see, even if it can be harmful to the user,
or to society as a whole? Where should we draw the line
between presenting trustworthy information from
authoritative sources and discounting incorrect statements, versus
presenting opinions on a moral debate?
      </p>
      <p>These questions are open problems. Far from providing
the community with a \correct" answer, we'd like to open
the discussion on the case of navigating controversy as a
complex search task. Here we highlight some of the issues
that users may want to perform when searching for
information on controversial topics, including seeking information
on controversial topics; understanding di erent stances or
opinions on such topics; and placing results within the
context of the larger debate. Even the de nition of controversy
is an open question, which we will discuss as well.</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>2. SUPPORTING USERS WITH CONTRO</title>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>VERSIAL QUERIES</title>
      <p>
        In order to account for users' information needs on
controversial queries and modulate the results in some way, there
is rst a technical challenge of recognizing that the query
addresses a controversial topic, and determining what is
controversial about it. Prior work has shown that it is possible
to create classi ers for controversial Wikipedia pages [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref23 ref35 ref37">23, 35,
37</xref>
        ] as well as events on Twitter [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref32">32</xref>
        ]; recently, Dori-Hacohen
and Allan demonstrated such a classi er to detect
controversial web pages [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12 ref13">12, 13</xref>
        ].
      </p>
      <p>
        Controversies can also be detected from a query
perspective, if those are available, by nding queries that have
semantically opposite meanings [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref19 ref43">19, 43</xref>
        ]. Additionally, some
advances have been made in recent years with regards to
automatically detecting bias (cf. [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref33">33</xref>
        ]). The goal of such
detection could be to inform the user of the controversy by
means of a browser extension or search engine warning [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">12</xref>
        ].
A similar approach was demonstrated with regards to fact
disputes [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">15</xref>
        ], a speci c type of controversy.
      </p>
      <p>
        Assuming one has successfully discovered that a topic is
controversial, another challenge is understanding what is
controversial about it. In the political sphere, Awadallah et
al. demonstrated automatic extraction of politician opinions
[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref3">3</xref>
        ]. Sentiment-based diversi cation of search on
controversial topics has been proposed by Kacimi and Gamper [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref22">22</xref>
        ],
though several researchers have argued that controversy is
distinct from sentiment analysis [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12 ref27 ref3">3, 12, 27</xref>
        ].
      </p>
      <p>
        While frameworks for machine-readable argumentation and
\The Argument Web" have been implemented [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">5</xref>
        ], search
engines cannot rely on widespread adoption of such tools.
Recently, Borra et al. [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6">6</xref>
        ] demonstrated an algorithm that
detects which topics are most contested within a given
Wikipedia page; these and similar advances will be needed in
order to present users with explicit stances on controversial
topics.
3.
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>THE PROBLEM OF DEFINING CONTRO</title>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-5">
      <title>VERSY</title>
      <p>How does one de ne controversy? While there is no one
de nition of the term controversy, we might use the
following de nition as an approximation: controversial topics are
those that generate strong disagreement among large groups
of people. Like the de nition of relevance, it's possible that
controversy should be de ned operationally: whatever
people perceive as controversial, is controversial.</p>
      <p>
        However, in line with others' ndings [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref24">24</xref>
        ], our research so
far shows that achieving inter-annotator agreement on the
\controversy" label is very challenging. Additionally, while
intuition and some researchers might suggest that the
notion of sentiment should be relevant for controversy (e.g.
[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref32 ref39">32, 39</xref>
        ]), others have argued that sentiment is not the right
metric by which to measure controversy [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12 ref27 ref3">3, 12, 27</xref>
        ]; opinions
on movies and products may contain sentiment, yet lack
controversy.
      </p>
      <p>
        Likewise, we nd some of the de nitions of controversy
used by others, or the datasets that those de nitions lead
them to use, to be very problematic (e.g. de nitions that
confound vandalism and controversy and therefore rate
\podcast" as the most controversial topic in Wikipedia [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref40">40</xref>
        ], or
relying on the list of Lamest Edit Wars in Wikipedia as a
controversy dataset [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref7">7</xref>
        ]).
      </p>
      <p>It may perhaps be helpful to break the de nition of
controversy into several interrelated de nitions: For example,
bias, disputes, truth value and polarity or intensity of
emotion are potentially easier terms to de ne, but each of them
only partially covers controversy. How does controversy
relate to these constructs, and how would one proceed to
discover the relationships between them?</p>
      <p>Additionally, does the scope and context of the
controversy matter? For example, do controversies regarding
occurrences on American Idol (which may induce edit wars
on Wikipedia) matter less than a controversy on the
IsraeliPalestinian Con ict? One could argue that the latter is a
much more controversial and in uential topic; but for the
user searching for \American Idol" or, for example, \Joanna
Pacitti" (a controversial contestant on the show), perhaps
the knowledge that this represents a controversial topic may
be just as relevant { in the context of that search.</p>
      <p>Though one may have an intuitive understanding of the
term \controversy", without a structured de nition, our work
(as well as others') will not hold as much weight or predictive
power.
3.1</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-6">
      <title>Single truth or shades of gray</title>
      <p>Information needs vary in the number of answers to them,
both correct and incorrect. Some information needs have a
single correct answer to them, while others may have
several possible correct answers, requiring a moral judgment or
entailing an opinion, e.g. political and religious questions.
There are also questions for which there is a single
scientifically correct answer, but for which non-scienti c responses
exist, even though they are factually incorrect. For example,
some people claim that the Mumps-Measles-Rubella (MMR)
vaccine causes autism; though studies have shown this claim
to be incorrect, it is still believed by many people.</p>
      <p>
        This variation in answers requires di erent treatment in
each case. The simplest category is that where the
information need has a single, correct, answer, which the search
engine can provide. The second category is of questions
which have a technically correct response, but also an
incorrect one which is prevalent on the web. Recent research
by White and Hassan has demonstrated this phenomena in
web search results, and speci cally in health search [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref42">42</xref>
        ].
      </p>
      <p>
        The last category is of questions which have several
possible correct answers, among which people may choose by
making a moral judgment, for example, topics of abortion,
same-sex marriage, and other highly charged issues;
religious and political questions often fall under this umbrella.
Selective exposure theory shows that people seek
information which a rms their viewpoint and avoid information
which challenges it [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16">16</xref>
        ]. Exposure to di ering viewpoints
has been shown to be socially advantageous in reducing the
likelihood of adopting polarized views [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref36">36</xref>
        ] and increasing
tolerance for people with other opinions [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref17">17</xref>
        ]. These
advantages have led some to argue that technology could be used
to expose people to a broader variety of perspectives, for
example by modifying the display of information to nudge
people to becoming \open-minded deliberators" [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref17">17</xref>
        ].
      </p>
      <p>
        This reasoning has led researchers to try and inform
people of the di ering views on the topics which they are
reading. Providing people with feedback as to how much (on
average) their reading was biased towards one or another
political opinion, had only a small e ect on nudging people
to read more diverse opinions [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref28">28</xref>
        ]. Kriplean et al. [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref26">26</xref>
        ]
developed a system for people to explicitly construct and share
pro/con lists for a political election in Washington state, but
found that opinions did not signi cantly change after using
the system. In another experiment, Oh et al. [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref30">30</xref>
        ] found
that people preferred search results which were clearly
delineated as to their leaning. Recently, Yom-Tov et al. [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref43">43</xref>
        ]
showed that people would read opposite opinions to theirs
if their language model was appropriately selected. Such an
intervention had long-lasting e ects on reducing selective
exposure. Thus, it is technically possible to provide people
with diverse opinions where they have sought only one, but
there still remains the question of whether this should be
the role of a search engine.
      </p>
      <p>
        An additional concern is whether claiming that certain
facts are \true" or \false" holds any objective meaning. The
scope of this paper does not allow a deep dive into the
philosophical questions of objectivism vs. moral relativism, and
the constructs of objectivity, subjectivity and
intersubjectivity1. Nonetheless, we can still delineate a few obvious
concerns: the choice of which facts are in dispute, or which
topics are controversial, can vary signi cantly with the
cultural and social setting in which these questions are
evaluated. For example, a user in Israel and a user in Iran may
have very di erent opinions about what holds \true", and
either may be o ended if the others' worldview was presented
as a \fact"; what is fact to one is either highly controversial
or simply false to the other, and vice versa. As another
example, the research by White and Hassan cited above [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref42">42</xref>
        ]
assumes that the Western world's view of medicine is the
only correct one, but users in China may beg to di er. Is a
topic therefore only controversial if a user (or culture)
believes it to be so? Who, then, can decide when a topic is
controversial? How can the system know that a user believes
a topic is controversial, and should the system then respond
di erently than when a user accepts it as \fact"?
1Dubois [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14">14</xref>
        ] provides an insightful exploration of these
concepts with regard to stance taking.
4.
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-7">
      <title>OPEN QUESTIONS</title>
      <p>
        Several researchers have claimed that search engines have
signi cant political power [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref21">21</xref>
        ]. In his book Republic.com 2.0,
legal scholar Cass Sunstein argues that a purely
consumerbased approach to Internet search is a major risk for
democracy [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref38">38</xref>
        ]. One of deliberative democracy's basic tenets, he
argues, is the ability to have a shared set of experiences, and
to be exposed to arguments you disagree with. Search
engines and social media are increasingly responsible for \Filter
Bubbles", wherein click-feedback and personalization lead
users to only see what they want, serving to further increase
con rmation bias [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref31">31</xref>
        ]. While this may seems to match
individual users' preference, the net e ect on society is
potentially detrimental. Being exposed only to like-minded people
in so-called \echo chambers" serves to increase polarization
and reduce diversity [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref34">34</xref>
        ]2.
      </p>
      <p>
        Contrary to the common wisdom, some evidence exists
that online personalization has not increased the lter
bubble [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref18">18</xref>
        ]. That said, research has shown that exposing users
to opposing opinions increases their interest in seeking
diverse opinions, and their interest in news in general [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref43">43</xref>
        ].
There have been suggestions to diversify search results based
on sentiment [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref22">22</xref>
        ], though others argue that presenting the
opposite opinion would only help in some cases [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2 ref29">2, 29</xref>
        ]. Prior
bias of people changes the results of a search query, even
without personalization. For example, the results for the
query \what are the advantages of the MMR vaccine?" are
completely di erent from the results served for the query
\what are the dangers of the MMR vaccine?". Moreover,
the way people interpret the same information is dependent
on their bias, for example in the case of gun control [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref25">25</xref>
        ] or
bias towards vaccines [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref44">44</xref>
        ]. Thus, if a user seeks information
on \how does MMR cause autism?", should a search engine
inform the user of the truth, or just satisfy their information
need? One possible solution includes highlighting disputed
claims [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">15</xref>
        ] or explicitly presenting opposing viewpoints [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref41">41</xref>
        ],
but the problem remains that the user may not trust sources
that don't match their existing worldview.
      </p>
      <p>Since search engines (as well as their social media
counterparts) are increasingly the dominant medium for seeking
information and news, the question then becomes: should
search engines re ect what is on the internet and match
content to users to maximize their preference, regardless of
its truth value, or any concerns about diversity of opinion?
Where do we draw the line between fact disputes and moral
debates? Should the controversial nature of a topic depend
on the social and cultural setting in which it is being
evaluated? Should the search engines have a civic duty, and in
that case, who decides what that duty is?</p>
      <p>There are multiple technical challenges remaining in
classifying controversial topics and extracting the opinions about
them. However, even if these technical challenges of
detecting controversy and stances were solved, there remains the
question of if, when and how to present these to the user,
based on their information need. As we discussed, there are
ethical concerns with a search engine taking action, but also
with inaction. It remains to be seen if users would be
interested in hearing opposing opinions, or whether interventions
would be useful; and nally, it is unclear whether it is within
2We note that, despite our own biases, the values of
democracy and diversity of opinion are also culturally predicated,
and not necessarily applicable to all search engine users.
the search engine's purview (or even its duty) to intervene,
and if so, how.</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-8">
      <title>Acknowledgments</title>
      <p>This work was supported in part by the Center for
Intelligent Information Retrieval and in part by NSF grant
#IIS1217281. Any opinions, ndings and conclusions or
recommendations expressed in this material are those of the
authors and do not necessarily re ect those of the sponsor.</p>
      <p>We thank Gonen Dori-Hacohen, Myung-ha Jang, Shankar
Kumar, Kishore Papineni and David Wemhoener for fruitful
conversations. Special thanks to the anonymous reviewers
for their insightful comments.</p>
    </sec>
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