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  <front>
    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Lexical emergentism and the “frequency-by-regularity” interaction</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Claudia Marzi Marcello Ferro Vito Pirrelli</string-name>
          <email>claudia.marzi@ilc.cnr.it</email>
          <email>marcello.ferro@ilc.cnr.it</email>
          <email>vito.pirrelli@ilc.cnr.it</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>Institute for Computational Linguistics - National Research Council - Pisa</institution>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <fpage>37</fpage>
      <lpage>41</lpage>
      <abstract>
        <p>In spite of considerable converging evidence of the role of inflectional paradigms in word acquisition and processing, little efforts have been put so far into providing detailed, algorithmic models of the interaction between lexical token frequency, paradigm frequency, paradigm regularity. We propose a neurocomputational account of this interaction, and discuss some theoretical implications of preliminary experimental results.</p>
      </abstract>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>-</title>
      <p>
        Over the last fifteen years, growing evidence has
accrued of the role of morphological paradigms in
the developmental course of word acquisition.
Children have been shown to be sensitive to
subregularities holding among paradigm cells
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10 ref15 ref18 ref4 ref5 ref6">(see,
among others, Orsolini et al., 1998; Laudanna et
al., 2004 on Italian; Dabrowska, 2004, 2005 on
Polish; and Labelle and Morris, 2011 on French)</xref>
        .
In line with this evidence, and contrary to both
rule-based
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16">(e.g. Pinker and Ullman, 2002;
Albright, 2002)</xref>
        and connectionist approaches to
word acquisition
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref21">(Rumelhart and McClelland,
1986)</xref>
        , no unique paradigm cell can be identified
as the base source of all inflected forms produced
by the speaker, but the structure of the entire
paradigm is understood to play a fundamental role
in both word acquisition and processing.
      </p>
      <p>
        Such evidence supports a view of the mental
lexicon as an emergent integrative system,
whereby words are concurrently, redundantly and
competitively stored
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1 ref3">(Alegre and Gordon, 1999;
Baayen et al., 2007)</xref>
        . The view assumes that all
word forms are memorised in the lexicon, thus
making no distinction between regular and
irregular inflected forms, or between uniquely
stored bases and all other non-base forms
produced by the speaker on demand
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13 ref14 ref17 ref3">(see Baayen,
2007; Marzi, 2014; for a recent overview)</xref>
        . In
addition, to capture the fact that words
encountered frequently exhibit different lexical
properties from words encountered relatively
infrequently, any model of lexical access must
assume that accessing a word in some way affects
the access representation of that word (e.g. Foster,
1976; Marslen-Wilson, 1993; Sandra, 1994).
      </p>
      <p>In spite of such a wealth of converging
evidence, however, little efforts have been put so
far into providing detailed, algorithmic models of
the interaction between word frequency,
paradigm frequency, paradigm regularity and
lexical familiarity in word acquisition and
processing. We offer here such an algorithmic
account, and discuss some theoretical
implications on the basis of computational
simulations.
2</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>The computational model</title>
      <p>In the present contribution, we use Temporal
Selforganising Maps (TSOMs) to simulate dynamic
effects of lexical storage, organisation and
competition.</p>
      <p>
        TSOMs, a variant of classical Kohonen’s SOMs
(Kohonen, 2001), are dynamic memories that are
trained to store and classify time-series of
symbols through patterns of activation of fully
interconnected nodes
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12 ref18 ref8 ref9">(Koutnik, 2007; Ferro et al.,
2010; Pirrelli et al., 2011; Marzi et al., 2012)</xref>
        . Map
nodes mimic neural clusters, with inter-node
connections representing neuron synapses whose
weights determine the amount of influence that
the activation of one node has on another node
(Fig. 1). Each map node receives input
connections from an input layer where individual
symbols making up a word are presented one at a
time, in their order of appearance. Input
connections thus convey information of the
current input stimulus to map nodes. Hebbian
connections, on the other hand, are strengthened
each time two nodes are activated at consecutive
time ticks, conveying the probabilistic
expectation that one node will be activated soon
after another node is activated.
      </p>
      <p>When a symbol is shown on the input layer at
a certain time tick, all map nodes are fired
synchronously, their overall pattern of activation
representing the processing response of a TSOM
to the symbol at that time tick. Due to principles
of topological organisation of map’s responses,
similar input stimuli (i.e. two instances of the
same symbol in different contexts) tend to be
associated with largely overlapping memory
traces (e.g. the two p nodes activated by pop in
Fig. 1). During training, nodes get gradually
specialised to respond most strongly to specific
time-bound instantiations of symbols, while
remaining relatively inactive in the presence of
other stimuli. A recurrent activation pattern
associated with an input symbol occurring in a
specific context can thus be seen as the map’s
memory trace for that symbol in that context.</p>
      <p>An input word is administered to a TSOM as
a time series of symbols, i.e. a sequence of letters
or sounds presented on the input layer one at a
time. The map’s response to a word stimulus is the
overall activation pattern obtained through
integration of the activation patterns triggered by
the individual symbols making up the word (see
Fig. 1 for a simplified example with the word
pop). Accordingly, if two input strings present
some symbols in common (e.g. pop and cop, write
and written), they will tend to activate largely
overlapping patterns of strongly responsive
nodes. Like in the case of individual symbols, the
integrated activation pattern for an input word is,
at the same time, the systematic processing
response of the map to an input stimulus, and the
word’s memorised representation (or memory
trace) in the map.</p>
      <p>
        To investigate issues of
“frequency-byregularity” interaction
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15 ref7">(Ellis and Smith, 1998)</xref>
        , we
compared two sets of parallel experiments carried
out on German verb paradigms
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13 ref14 ref17">(Marzi et al.,
2014)</xref>
        and Italian verb paradigms. By keeping
constant some input conditions, such as selection
of paradigm cells and degrees of morphological
redundancy within training paradigms, while
varying others, such as the frequency distribution
of paradigm members, we can investigate the
relative contribution of input factors to the timing
and pace of lexical acquisition and suggest an
explanatory account of their interaction.
3
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>Experimental evidence</title>
      <p>
        Fifty German and fifty Italian verb
(sub)paradigms were selected among the most
highly ranked paradigms by cumulative frequency
in a reference corpus
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11 ref2">(CELEX Lexical database
for German, Baayen et al., 1995; Paisà Corpus for
Italian, Lyding et al., 2014)</xref>
        . For each paradigm,
an identical set of 15 cells was used for training,
for an overall number of 750 inflected forms for
each language. Each data set was administered to
the map for 100 epochs under two different
training regimes: a uniform distribution (UD: 5
tokens per word), and a function of real word
frequency distributions in the reference corpus
(SD: tokens are in the range of 1 to 1000). By
varying frequency and comparing the inflectional
complexity of training data across the two
experiments, we expected to gain some insights
into the interplay between morphological
regularity (defined by levels of predictability in
stem and ending allomorphy of training data in the
two languages) and word frequency in word
acquisition. After training, we monitored the
behaviour of the four resulting TSOMs (namely
UD Italian, SD Italian, UD German and SD
German) by controlling the time of acquisition of
individual words, the time of acquisition of entire
paradigms, and their acquisitional time span. For
our present purposes, we define the time of
acquisition of a single word as the training epoch
whence a TSOM can accurately recall the word in
question from its memory trace. Recall is a
difficult task that requires that the map has
developed a clear notion of how to unfold a
synchronous activation pattern (the word’s
memory trace) into a sequence of nodes
representing the correct letters making up the
word, in the appropriate order. Likewise, for each
paradigm, its time of acquisition by a map is the
mean acquisition epoch of all forms belonging to
the paradigm.
      </p>
      <p>As a general trend, TSOMs acquire word
forms by token frequency, with higher-frequency
words being successfully recalled at earlier
learning epochs. However, when it comes to the
actual timing of paradigm acquisition, things get
considerably more complex, with the notion of
morphological regularity interacting non-trivially
with token frequency distributions. In fact, in both
German and Italian, the vast majority of
paradigms are acquired earlier (p&lt;.005) in a UD
regime than in an SD regime (Fig. 2).</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>Frequency by regularity interaction</title>
      <p>Our simulations show that, in both languages,
word forms in regular paradigms tend to be
acquired earlier (significantly earlier learning
epochs, p&lt;.001), and regular paradigms are
acquired more quickly (significantly shorter
learning spans, i.e. lower number of epochs
between the acquisition time of the first and the
last member of a paradigm, p&lt;.005) than irregular
paradigms are. In German data, regular paradigms
are less sensitive to token frequency effects than
irregular paradigms are, as witnessed by the
strong correlation (r=.95, p&lt;.00001) between the
time course of acquisition of regular paradigms in
SD and UD regimes (Fig. 2, bottom left panel).
Token frequency affects the acquisition of regular
paradigms to a lesser extent than the acquisition
of irregular ones, because regular stems can take
advantage of their cumulative frequency across
the whole paradigm. In fact, forms in regular
paradigms exhibit a significant correlation
between stem cumulative frequency and time of
acquisition (r=-.40, p&lt;.00001). Similarly, also
German irregular paradigms, which exhibit a
predictable stem allomorphy due to a limited
number of alternants, show a correlation between
stem cumulative frequency and acquisition time
(r=-.24 p&lt;.00001).</p>
      <p>
        Conversely, in Italian, where verb
conjugation exhibits more extensive and less
predictable patterns of allomorphy than in
German
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref19">(Pirrelli, 2000)</xref>
        , acquisition of irregular
paradigms does not appear to benefit from stem
cumulative token frequencies (r=.01, p&gt;.5). This
suggests that extensive allomorphy in a paradigm
tends to minimise the influence of cumulative
frequency on its acquisition, and isolated forms
can only take advantage of their own token
frequency, while taking no advantage of the
frequency boost provided by other cells of the
same paradigm. As a result, Italian irregular
paradigms are acquired significantly (p&lt;.005)
later than their German homologues.
      </p>
      <p>Our data cannot be explained away as a
simple by-product of word-frequency effects.
Experiments provide, in fact, evidence of
interactive processing effects in word acquisition,
whereby morphological regularity modulates
frequency. Data analysis shows that recurrent
patterns appear to determine global
coorganisation of stored word forms and distributed,
overlapping memory traces, which ultimately
favour generalisation in lexical acquisition. Forms
containing recurrent patterns can take advantage
of the memory traces shared with other related
forms, namely forms sharing the same stem, and
connections between the nodes making up their
memory traces are strengthened since patterns are
shown more often in training, similarly to
highfrequency isolated words.</p>
      <p>This is particularly true for regular, highly
entropic paradigms, i.e. those regular paradigms
whose members exhibit uniform frequency
distributions, and for irregular highly systematic
paradigms. Conversely, where memory traces
overlap less systematically, this effect is
considerably reduced, as witnessed by the
difference in time of acquisition between regular
and irregular paradigms, particularly in Italian
conjugation.</p>
      <p>
        In TSOMs, the effects are the dynamic result
of two interacting dimensions of memory
selforganisation: (i) the syntagmatic or linear
dimension, which controls the level of
predictability and entrenchment of memory traces
in the lexicon through the probabilistic
distribution of weights over inter-node Hebbian
connections; and (ii) the paradigmatic or vertical
dimension, which controls for the number of
similar, paradigmatically-related word forms that
get co-activated when one member of a paradigm
is input to the map
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13 ref17">(Pirrelli et al., 2014)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>High-frequency words develop quick
entrenchment of Hebbian connections, which
eventually cause high levels of node activation in
their memory traces and sparser co-activation of
memory traces of other words. Strong connections
and high activation levels mean high expectations
for frequently activated memory traces, which are
thus recalled more easily and are less confusable
with other neighbouring words. Likewise, in
regular and sub-regular paradigms, sharing
memory traces can strengthen connections and
raise node activation levels, since all related forms
can take advantage of the memory traces shared
with other members of the same paradigm.</p>
      <p>This dynamic provides an algorithmic
account of the observation that regularity favours
acquisition of both high- and low-frequency
words, as shown in Fig. 3, where we compare
average levels of activation for four classes of
training word forms: low-frequency regulars, low
frequency irregulars, high-frequency regulars and
high-frequency irregulars.1</p>
      <p>Activation levels of low-frequency words
appear to be significantly stronger within regular
paradigms than within irregular paradigms (Fig.
3, top). Stronger activation levels make patterns
less confusable and easier to be accessed, as
witnessed by the lower level of filtering2 required
for activation patterns to be recalled accurately
(Fig. 3, bottom). We observe, in fact, a highly
significant correlation (r=.49, p&lt;.00001 for both
datasets) between levels of filtering and words’
learning epochs.</p>
      <p>High-frequency words predictably show
higher activation levels than low-frequency
words, with an interesting difference of the
interaction of frequency and activation levels of
regulars and irregulars. High-frequency, highly
irregular words (e.g. German ist or Italian è) are
stored in isolation, with highly-activated memory
nodes and no co-activation with other words. As a
result, they require little filtering to be recalled
and are acquired considerably quickly.
Highfrequency regular paradigms, despite in both
Italian and German training sets their average
frequency is nearly half the average frequency of
high-frequency irregulars, show comparable
levels of activation with high-frequency
irregulars, due to the facilitatory effect of having
more words that consistently activate the same
pattern of nodes.</p>
      <p>This evidence shows that regularity indeed
modulates the interaction between frequency and
activation strength, and it gives a strong indication
that acquisition of regulars is typically
paradigmbased, whereas acquisition of irregulars is mostly
item-based.</p>
      <p>Surely, as the notion of paradigm regularity
is inherently graded, some verb systems show
higher sensitivity to these effects than others. This
is illustrated by German sub-regular paradigms,
which present fewer and more predictable stem
alternants than Italian sub-paradigms, and thus
larger stem-sharing word families. Accordingly,
TSOMs allocate comparatively higher levels of
activation to low-frequency German sub-regulars
and acquire them earlier than their Italian
homologues.</p>
      <p>The evidence reported here establishes, in our
view, an important connection between aspects of
morphological structure, frequency distributions
of words in paradigms, and lexical acquisition in
concurrent, competitive storage. Acquisition of
redundant morphological patterns play an
increasingly important role in an emergent
lexicon, shifting acquisitional strategies from rote
memorisation (typical of irregular low-entropy
paradigms) to dynamic memory-based
generalisation.
1 Frequency thresholds are set below the first quartile (low
frequency) and above the third quartile (high frequency) in
the frequency distribution of training word forms.
2 Filtering an integrated activation pattern refers to the
process of bringing down to zero the levels of activation of
nodes that do not reach a set threshold.</p>
    </sec>
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