=Paper=
{{Paper
|id=Vol-1347/paper14
|storemode=property
|title=A bottom up approach to category mapping and meaning change
|pdfUrl=https://ceur-ws.org/Vol-1347/paper14.pdf
|volume=Vol-1347
|dblpUrl=https://dblp.org/rec/conf/networds/DubossarskyTDG15
}}
==A bottom up approach to category mapping and meaning change==
A bottom up approach to category mapping and meaning change Haim Dubossarsky Yulia Tsvetkov Chris Dyer Eitan Grossman The Edmond and Lily Language Tech- Language Tech- Linguistics Department and Safra Center for Brain nologies Institute nologies Institute the Language, Logic and Sciences Carnegie Mellon Carnegie Mellon Cognition Center The Hebrew Universi- University University The Hebrew University of ty of Jerusalem Pittsburgh, PA Pittsburgh, PA Jerusalem Jerusalem 91904, Is- 15213 USA 15213 USA Jerusalem 91904, Israel rael ytsvetko cdyer eit- haim.dub@gmail @cs.cmu.edu @cs.cmu.edu an.grossman@mail.h .com uji.ac.il few single words to few dozen words. Only re- Abstract cently though, have usage-based approaches (Bybee, 2010) become prominent, in part due to In this article, we use an automated bot- their compatibility with quantitative research on tom-up approach to identify semantic large-scale corpora (Geeraerts et al., 2011; categories in an entire corpus. We con- Hilpert, 2006; Sagi et al., 2011). Such approach- duct an experiment using a word vector es argue that meaning change, like other linguis- model to represent the meaning of words. tic changes, are to a large extent governed by and The word vectors are then clustered, giv- reflected in the statistical properties of lexical ing a bottom-up representation of seman- items and grammatical constructions in corpora. tic categories. Our main finding is that In this paper, we follow such usage-based ap- the likelihood of changes in a word’s proaches in adopting Firth’s famous maxim meaning correlates with its position with- “You shall know a word by the company it in its cluster. keeps,” an axiom that is built into nearly all dia- 1 Introduction chronic corpus linguistics (see Hilpert and Gries, 2014 for a state-of-the-art survey). However, it is Modern theories of semantic categories, especial- unclear how such ‘semantic fields’ are to be ly those influenced by Cognitive Linguistics identified. Usually, linguists’ intuitions are the (Geeraerts and Cuyckens, 2007), generally con- primary evidence. In contrast to an intuition- sider semantic categories to have an internal based approach, we set out from the idea that structure that is organized around prototypical categories can be extracted from a corpus, using exemplars (Geeraerts, 1997; Rosch, 1973). a ‘bottom up’ methodology. We demonstrate this Historical linguistics uses this conception of by automatically categorizing the entire lexicon semantic categories extensively, both to describe of a corpus, using clustering on the output of a changes in word meanings over the years and to word embedding model. explain them. Such approaches tend to describe We analyze the resulting categories in light of changes in the meaning of lexical items as the predictions proposed in historical linguistics changes in the internal structure of semantic cat- regarding changes in word meanings, thus egories. For example, (Geeraerts, 1999) hypothe- providing a full-scale quantitative analysis of sizes that changes in the meaning of a lexical changes in the meaning of words over an entire item are likely to be changes with respect to the corpus. This approach is distinguished from pre- prototypical ‘center’ of the category. Further- vious research by two main characteristics: first, more, he proposes that more salient (i.e., more it provides an exhaustive analysis of an entire prototypical) meanings will probably be more corpus; second, it is fully bottom-up, i.e., the cat- resistant to change over time than less salient egories obtained emerge from the data, and are (i.e., less prototypical) meanings. not in any way based on linguists’ intuitions. As Despite the wealth of data and theories about such, it provides an independent way of evaluat- changes in the meaning of words, the conclu- ing linguists’ intuitions, and has the potential to sions of most historical linguistic studies have turn up new, unintuitive or even counterintuitive been based on isolated case studies, ranging from Copyright © by the paper’s authors. Copying permitted for private and academic purposes. In Vito Pirrelli, Claudia Marzi, Marcello Ferro (eds.): Word Structure and Word Usage. Proceedings of the NetWordS Final Conference, Pisa, March 30-April 1, 2015, published at http://ceur-ws.org 66 facts about language usage, and hence, by hy- Where d is the vector’s dimension length, and Wi pothesis, about knowledge of language. and Wi’ represent two specific values at the same vector point for the first and second words, re- 2 Literature review spectively. Since words with similar meaning have simi- Some recent work has examined meaning change lar vectors, related words are closer to each other in large corpora using a similar bottom-up ap- in the semantic space. This makes them ideal for proach and word embedding method (Kim et al., clustering, as word clusters represent semantic 2014). These works analyzed trajectories of ‘areas,’ and the position of a word relative to a meaning change for an entire lexicon, which en- cluster centroid represents its saliency with re- abled them to detect if and when each word spect to the semantic concept captured by the changed, and to measure the degree of such cluster. This saliency is higher for words that are changes. Although these works are highly useful closer to their cluster centroid. In other words, a for our purposes, they do not attempt to explain word’s closeness to its cluster centroid is a why words differ in their trajectories of change measure of its prototypicality. To test for the op- by relating observed changes to linguistic param- timal size of the ‘semantic areas,’ different num- eters. bers of clusters were tested. For each the cluster- Wijaya and Yeniterzi (2011) used clustering to ing procedure was done independently. characterize the nature of meaning change. They To quantify diachronic word change, we train were able to measure changes in meaning over a word vector model on a historical corpus in an time, and to identify which aspect of meaning orderly incremental manner. The corpus was had changed and how (e.g., the classical seman- sorted by year, and set to create word vectors for tic changes known as ‘broadening,’ ‘narrowing,’ each year such that the words’ representations at and ‘bleaching’). Although innovative, only 20 the end of training of one year are used to initial- clusters were used. Moreover, clustering was ize the model of the following year. This allows only used to describe patterns of change, rather a yearly resolution of the word vector representa- than as a possible explanatory factor. tions, which are in turn the basis for later anal- 3 Method yses. To detect and quantify meaning change for each word-of-interest, the distance between a A distributed word vector model was used to word’s vector in two consecutive decades was learn the context in which the words-of-interest computed, serving as the degree of meaning are embedded. Each of these words is represent- change a word underwent in that time period ed by a vector of fixed length. The model chang- (with 2 being maximal change and 0 no change). es the vectors’ values to maximize the probabil- Having two representational perspectives – ity in which, on average, these words could pre- synchronic and diachronic – we test the hypothe- dict their context. As a result, words that predict sis that words that exhibit stronger cluster salien- similar contexts would be represented with simi- cy in the synchronic model – i.e., are closer to lar vectors. This is much like linguistic items in a the cluster centroid – are less likely to change classical structuralist paradigm, whose inter- over time in the diachronic model. We thus changeability at a given point or ‘slot’ in the syn- measure the correlation between the distance of a tagmatic chain implies they share certain aspects word to its cluster centroid at a specific point in of function or meaning. time and the degree of change the word under- The vectors’ dimensions are opaque from a went over the next decade. linguistic point of view, as it is still not clear how to interpret them individually. Only when the full 4 Experiment range of the vectors’ dimensions is taken togeth- We used the 2nd version of Google Ngram of er does meaning emerges in the semantic hyper- fiction English, from which 10 millions 5-grams space they occupy. The similarity of words is were sampled for each year from 1850-2009 to computed using the cosine distance between two serve as our corpus. All words were lower cased. word vectors, with 0 being identical vectors, and Word2vec (Mikolov et al., 2013) was used as 2 being maximally different: the distributed word vector model. The model ∑𝑑𝑑𝑖𝑖=1 𝑊𝑊𝑖𝑖 × 𝑊𝑊′𝑖𝑖 was initiated to 50 dimensions for the word vec- (1) 1− tors’ representations, and the window size for �∑𝑑𝑑𝑖𝑖=1(𝑊𝑊𝑖𝑖 )2 × �∑𝑑𝑑𝑖𝑖=1(𝑊𝑊′𝑖𝑖 )2 context set to 4, which is the maximum size giv- 67 en the constraints of the corpus. Words that ap- shutters, 0.04 hat, 0.03 peared less than 10 times in the entire corpus windows, 0.05 cap, 0.04 were discarded from the model vocabulary. doors, 0.08 napkin, 0.09 Training the model was done year by year, and curtains, 0.1 spectacles, 0.09 blinds, 0.11 helmet, 0.13 versions of the model were saved in 10 year in- gates, 0.13 cloak, 0.14 tervals from 1900 to 2000. handkerchief, 0.14 gallop, 0.02 The 7000 most frequent words in the corpus trot, 0.02 cane, 0.15 were chosen as words-of-interest, representing Table 1: Example for clusters of words using 2000 the entire lexicon. For each of these words, the clusters and their distance from their centroids. cosine distance between its two vectors, at a spe- cific year and 10 years later, was computed using Figure 1 shows the analysis of changes in (1) above to represent the degree of meaning word meanings for the years 1950-1960. We change. A standard K-means clustering proce- chose this decade at random, but the general dure was conducted on the vector representations trend observed here obtains over the entire peri- of the words for the beginning of each decade od (1900-2000). There is a correlation between from 1900 to 2000 and for different number of the words’ distances from their centroids and the clusters from 500 until 5000 in increments of degree of meaning change they underwent in the 500. The distances of words from their cluster following decade, and this correlation is observ- centroids were computed for each cluster, using able for different number of clusters (e.g., for (1) above. These distances were correlated with 500 clusters, 1000 clusters, and so on). The posi- the degree of change the words underwent in the tive correlations (r>.3) mean that the more distal following ten-year period. The correlation be- a word is from its cluster’s centroid, the greater tween the distance of words from random cen- the change its word vectors exhibit the following troids of different clusters, on the one hand, and decade, and vice versa. the degree of change, on the other hand, served Crucially, the correlations of the distances as a control condition. from the centroid outperform the correlations of the distances from the prototypical exemplar, 4.1 Results which was defined as the exemplar that is the Table 1 shows six examples of clusters of words. closest to the centroid. Both the correlations of The clusters contain words that are semantically the distance from the cluster centroid and of the similar, as well as their distances from their clus- distance from the prototypical exemplar were ter centroids. It is important to stress that a cen- significantly better than the correlations of the troid is a mathematical entity, and is not neces- control condition (all p’s < .001 under permuta- sarily identical to any particular exemplar. We tions tests). suggest interpreting a word’s distance from its cluster’s centroid as the degree of its proximity to a category’s prototype, or, more generally, as a measure of prototypicality. Defined in this way, sword is a more prototypical exemplar than spear or dagger, and windows, shutters or doors may be more prototypical exemplars of a cover of an entrance than blinds or gates. In addition, the clusters capture near-synonyms, like gallop and trot, and level-of-category relations, e.g., the modal predicates allowed, permitted, able. The Figure 1. Change in the meanings of words correlated very fact that the model captures clusters and with distance from centroid for different numbers of distances of words which are intuitively felt to be clusters, for the years 1950-1960. semantically closer to or farther away from a cat- egory prototype is already an indication that the In other words, the likelihood of a word model is on the right track. changing its meaning is better correlated with the distance from an abstract measure than with the distance from an actual word. For example, the sword, 0.06 allowed, 0.02 likelihood of change in the sword-spear-dagger spear, 0.07 permitted, 0.04 cluster is better predicted by a word’s closeness dagger, 0.09 able, 0.06 68 to the centroid, which perhaps could be concep- 5 Conclusion tualized as a non-lexicalized ‘elongated weapon with a sharp point,’ than its closeness to an actual We have shown an automated bottom-up ap- word, e.g., sword. This is a curious finding, proach for category formation, which was done which seems counter-intuitive for nearly all theo- on an entire corpus using the entire lexicon. ries of lexical meaning and meaning change. We have used this approach to supply histori- The magnitude of correlations is not fixed or cal linguistics with a new quantitative tool to randomly fluctuating, but rather depends on the test hypotheses about change in word meanings. number of clusters used. It peaks for about 3500 Our main findings are that the likelihood of a clusters, after which it drops sharply. Since a word’s meaning changing over time correlates larger number of clusters necessarily means with its closeness to its semantic cluster’s most smaller ‘semantic areas’ that are shared by fewer prototypical exemplar, defined as the word clos- words, this suggests that there is an optimal est to the cluster’s centroid. Crucially, even bet- range for the size of clusters, which should not ter than the correlation between distance from be too small or too large. the prototypical exemplar and the likelihood of change is the correlation between the likelihood 4.2 Theoretical implications of change and the closeness of a word to its clus- One of our findings matches what might be ex- ter’s actual centroid, which is a mathematical pected, based on Geeraert’s hypothesis, men- abstraction. This finding is surprising, but is tioned in Section 1: a word’s distance from its comparable to the idea that attractors, which are cluster’s most prototypical exemplar is quite in- also mathematical abstractions, may be relevant formative with respect to how well it fits the for language change. cluster (Fig. 1). This could be taken to corrobo- rate Roschian prototype-based views. However, another finding is more surprising, namely, that a Acknowledgements word’s distance from its real centroid, an abstract We thank Daphna Weinshall (Hebrew University average of the members of a category by defini- of Jerusalem) and Stéphane Polis (University of tion, is even better than the word’s distance from Liège) for their helpful and insightful comments. the cluster’s most prototypical exemplar. All errors are, of course, our own. In fact, our findings are consonant with recent work in usage-based linguistics on attractors, Reference ‘the state(s) or patterns toward which a system is drawn’ (Bybee and Beckner, 2015). Importantly, Joan Bybee. 2010. Language, usage and cognition. attractors are ‘mathematical abstractions (poten- Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. tially involving many variables in a multidimen- sional state space)’. We do not claim that the Joan Bybee and Clay Beckner. 2015. 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