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  <front>
    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Suffixation and the expression of time and space in Modern Greek</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Anna Anastassiadis-Symeonidis</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1">1</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>Aristotle University of Thessaloniki</institution>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff1">
          <label>1</label>
          <institution>Dictionary of Standard Modern Greek 1998. Thessaloniki, Institute of Modern Greek Studies, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki</institution>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <fpage>85</fpage>
      <lpage>90</lpage>
      <abstract>
        <p>This paper draws a comparison, through semasiological and onomasiological methods, of three Modern Greek (MG) suffixes -in(os), -iatik(os) and -isi(os), which construct denominal adjectives of time and/or space. Following D. Corbin's model (1987; 1991 and forthcoming) of Construction Morphology, an in depth analysis of these suffixes' semantics will be presented. The results suggest that, in order to construct a denominal adjective following the relational Lexeme Construction Rule (LCRREL), a categorical, semantic and pragmatic compatibility are necessary between the base-noun and the suffix, as well as between the suffixed adjective and the noun of the noun phrase (NP); there are no synonyms even if the same noun is used as a base-noun. The three suffixes differ with respect to their semantic and pragmatic features; as a consequence, they are used in different genres. The data has been drawn from many dictionaries and especially from the Reverse Dictionary of Modern Greek (Anastassiadis-Symeonidis, 2002) as well as the Corpus of Greek Texts (Goutsos 2003).</p>
      </abstract>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>-</title>
      <p>1.1</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>The suffixes</title>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>The -in(os) suffix</title>
      <p>
        This suffix is applied to a nominal base, or
an adverbial one which could, however, be
considered as a nominal one, given that these
adverbs function also as nouns
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">(Berthonneau 1989:
493)</xref>
        . Consequently, we suggest a unified
nominal base. In our corpus’ base-nouns (87%)
belong to the category of temporal or spatial nouns,
e.g., proinos ‘of early morning’, vradinos ‘of the
evening’, kalokairinos ‘of the summer’,
pashalinos ‘of Easter’, aprilianos ‘of April’, simerinos
‘today’s/of today’, pantotinos ‘of ever -
everlasting’ - vorinos ‘north’, antikrynos ‘of the opposite
side’, brostinos ‘of the front’, makrinos ‘distant’.
      </p>
      <p>The temporal sense base-nouns can label
one of the denominations of the internal structure
of the time unit YEAR, e.g., kalokairi ‘summer’,
theros ‘summer’, fthinoporo ‘autumn’, or DAY,
e.g., proi ‘morning’, vradi ‘evening’, or
designate one of their special denominations, e.g.,
Aprilios ‘April’. Aside from these base-nouns,
we observe that the base can be selected from the
names of important celebrations e.g., Pasha
‘Easter’, and that the specific deictic (NOW)
denominations construct denominal adjectives
exclusively with the suffix -in(os), e.g., simerinos
‘of today’, apopsinos ‘of this evening’, htesinos
‘of yesterday’, torinos ‘of now’, fetinos ‘of this
year’, persinos ‘of last year’, pantotinos ‘of ever
- everlasting’.</p>
      <p>Following our observation of spatial sense
base-nouns we operate a distinction between: (i)
a group of nouns referring to geographical terms,
e.g., vorras ‘north’, oros ‘mountain’, thalassa
‘sea’; (ii) toponyms, e.g., Alexandria
‘Alexandria’; and (iii) adverbs constructing
denominations within the deictic system (HERE), e.g.,
antikry ‘across’, konta ‘near’, makria ‘far’, piso
‘behind’.</p>
      <p>
        Finally, based on the context, the remaining
nouns in the corpus (13%) can be categorized as
conveying spatial meaning (provenance), e.g.,
agheladhino ghala ‘cow’s milk’,
vodhino/hoirino kreas ‘bovine (beef)/pig (pork) meat’,
kreatini/tyrini evdhomadha ‘Meatfare/Cheesefare
week’, anthropini symperifora ‘human
behaviour’. The same principles hold for the adjectives
foteinos ‘bright’, faeinos ‘brilliant’, skoteinos
‘dark’, alithinos ‘real’, that originate in ancient
Greek, where the base-noun functioned as a
spatial noun; relevant passages are preserved where
the nouns fos ‘light’ and skotos ‘darkness’ refer
to the source that transmits light and darkness
respectively
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref17">(Giannakis, 2001)</xref>
        . Similarly,
alithinos ‘real’ refers to location, since –according to
Plato– truth originates from the real world.
1.2
      </p>
      <p>The -iatik(os) suffix</p>
      <p>
        From a semantic point of view, we notice
that approximately 85% of the corpus consists in
bases which are temporal nouns referring to
time-measure units, e.g., hronos ‘year’ minas
‘month’ (e)vdhomadha ‘week’ as well as their
reanalyses, including two subsets: (i)
denominations of special units, e.g., Dheftera ‘Monday’,
Triti ‘Tuesday’, Ianouarios ‘January’,
Fevrouarios ‘February’; and (ii) denominations
related to the internal structure of the above
units, e.g., proï ‘morning’, mesimeri ‘midday’,
anoiksi ‘spring’
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">(Berthonneau, 1989)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>In addition, the base can be selected among
important days of public holidays or religious
celebrations with which people mark time, and
which are therefore categorized as temporal
nouns, e.g., Protomaghia ‘First of May’,
Protaprilia ‘First of April’, Protochronia ‘New Year’s
Day’, Pasha ‘Easter’, Hristoughenna
‘Christmas’, Aghio-Vasilis ‘the feast day of Saint
Vasilios’, Aï-Dhimitris ‘the feast day of Saint
Demetrios’, Kathari Dheftera ‘Clean/Ash Monday’,
apokria ‘Carnival festivities’, paramoni ‘Eve’.
Finally, the suffix -iatik(os) is attached to the
base form of 7 nouns, seemingly not associated
with a temporal sense: paidh(i) ‘child’, ghiort(i)
‘celebration’, skol(i) ‘leisure’, feggar(i) ‘moon’,
ghampr(os) ‘groom’, nyf(i) ‘bride’, kefal(i)
‘head’. However, these nouns can be
encountered in contexts that associated to important
moments of people’s lives, e.g., ghampriatiko
kostoumi ‘bridegroom’s suit’, nyfiatiko traghoudi
‘wedding song’, paidhiatika kamomata ‘childish
antics’.
1.3</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>The -isi(os) suffix</title>
      <p>
        The suffix -isi(os) is associated with the
notion of ‘provenance’ (Tsopanakis, 1994), which
is diachronic in nature, particularly since the
suffix -isi(os) is derived from the latin suffix -ēnsis
which is associated with this notion
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref25">(Meyer,
1895)</xref>
        . This is a spatial provenance (where the
base is a proper or common noun referring to the
natural landscape or to man-made places (Le
Pesant, 2011), e.g., vounisios aeras ‘mountain air’,
limnisio psari ‘fish of the lake’); even if the
base-noun refers to an animal, e.g., arnisia
païdakia ‘lamb cutlets’, ghidhisio ghala ‘goat
milk’, katsikisio tyri ‘goat cheese’, to a plant,
e.g., kalampokisio alevri ‘corn flour’, thymarisio
meli ‘thyme honey’, to an artefact, e.g., varelisia
bira ‘draught’, to a human or human-like being
(human entity) or to parts of the human body,
through extension, e.g., flevisio aima ‘veins’
blood’ or through an intension reading, related to
a stereotypical meaning, e.g., gherontisia foni
‘elderly’s voice’.
      </p>
      <p>
        The availability of the suffix -isi(os) in
contemporary language use is rather restricted, as it
is not encountered in cases where it is possible to
construct non-attested lexemes which constitute
nothing more than coincidental gaps
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">(Corbin,
1987: 177)</xref>
        .
2
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-5">
      <title>Is there synonymy?</title>
      <p>We argued that the -in(os) suffix constructs
denominal adjectives related to space and time,
that the -iatik(os) suffix constructs denominal
adjectives related to time and that the -isi(os)
suffix constructs denominal adjectives of
provenance, related to the notion of space. The
question will thus be the following: can we talk about
synonymy between the temporal and spatial
denominal adjectives constructed with the
aforementioned suffixes and the same base-noun?</p>
      <p>
        If we take into account the pragmatic feature
[learned], a feature with a non-binary value
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref7">(Anastassiadis-Symeonidis and Fliatouras, 2004)</xref>
        , we
notice that for the base-nouns with a [+learned]
value, only the -in(os) suffix is applied, that for
the base-nouns with a [-learned] value only the
suffixes -iatik(os) and -isi(os) are applied, and,
that for the base-nouns with a [+/-learned] value
all three suffixes -in(os), -iatik(os) and -isi(os)
are applied. The reason is that the suffix -in(os)
constructs denominal adjectives localizing in
space and time objectively, i.e., free of
prototypical or stereotypical perceptions
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16">(Geeraerts,
1985)</xref>
        , contrary to the suffixes -iatik(os) and
-isi(os), that are associated with the individual’s
everyday life. Consequently, the derived
adjectives are not synonymous, even if the
aforementioned suffixes are attached to the same base,
e.g., vradino/*vradhiatiko dheltio eidhiseon ‘the
evening news report’, or to a synonymous base,
e.g., arnisia/*provatisia païdhakia ‘lamb
cutlets’. This is the reason for which only adjectives
in -in(os) are encountered in scientific and
religious discourse, in greater percentages in
premeditated speech on television and the radio, as
well as in newspapers. This means,
semantic/pragmatic factors determine the genre of text
where a lexeme may be encountered. It is not by
chance that the pragmatic feature [learned] is
attributed to a suffix found in ancient Greek and
the feature [-learned] to suffixes that appeared
later, during the Hellenistic era.
3
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-6">
      <title>Compatibility</title>
      <p>A categorical as well as semantic and
pragmatic compatibility are therefore necessary
between the base-noun and the suffix as well as
between the derived noun and the modified noun.
For instance, there would be an issue of
categorical compatibility if the suffix -in(os) or the suffix
-iatik(os) were attached to a verb-base. There
would be an issue of semantic compatibility if
the suffix -in(os) were attached to a
nontemporal/spatial base-noun or if the suffix
-iatik(os) were attached to a non-temporal
basenoun. Lastly, there would be an issue of
pragmatic compatibility if the suffix -in(os) were
attached to a [-learned] base-noun or if the suffix
-iatik(os) were attached to a [+learned]
basenoun, e.g., if the adjective aniksiatikos ‘of
spring’ modified the noun isimeria ‘equinox’.</p>
      <p>Therefore, each of the aforementioned
suffixes is characterized by their categorical,
semantic, and pragmatic/stylistic specifications and,
according to this “genetic inheritance”, it
participates in the LCRREL. Subsequently, within the
framework of Construction Morphology, the
notion of compatibility constitutes the key to
grammaticality judgements.
4</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-7">
      <title>Predictions</title>
      <p>Starting from the semantic function of each
suffix at the word-construction level of words
that belong to the same onomasiological field, on
one hand, similarities as well as differences at
both the semantic and pragmatic level can be
explained. For example, terms such as:
kalokairiatikos – kalokairinos ‘of the summer’,
kampisios – pedhinos ‘of/in a plain’; on the other hand,
predictions can be formulated, in the sense that
restrictions are imposed, e.g., avrianos
*avriatikos ‘of tomorrow’, kontinos - *kontaios
‘near’ (similarly: mesaios ‘middle’), ghenarisios
- *ianouarisios ‘of January’.</p>
      <p>According to this model we are able to
explain:</p>
      <p>a) The reason why it is possible to derive
adjectives with different suffixes from the same
base-noun e.g., vradhinos – vradhiatikos ‘of the
evening’, agheladhisios – agheladhinos ‘of a
cow/cow’s (milk/meat)’: the suffix -in(os) selects
certain properties from the anaphoric/descriptive
meaning of the base-noun, whereas the suffixes
-iatik(os) and -isi(os) select from the base-nouns
those properties that correspond to an
experiential meaning associated with everyday life. We
can thus explain why the adjectives in -in(os)
and -iatik(os), or those in -in(os) and -isi(os) are
not synonyms.</p>
      <p>b) The reason why certain suffixes cannot be
attached to certain base-nouns: compatibility is
required between the two. The adjectives in
-in(os) are likely derived from the [+learned] or
[+/-learned] allomorph of the base-noun, whereas
the adjectives in -iatik(os) and -isi(os) are
derived from the [-learned] or [+/-learned]
allomorph of the base-noun, e.g., mesimvrinos and
mesimeriatikos but *mesimvriatikos ‘midday’,
pedhinos and kampisios but
*pedhisios/*kampinos ‘of/in a plain’, therinos
but *theriatikos ‘of the summer’, heimerinos but
*heimeriatikos ‘of the winter’, omfalios and
afalisios but *omfalisios, *afalios ‘umbilical’.</p>
      <p>c) The reason why both the adjectives
kalokairinos and kalokairiatikos ‘of the summer’ are
grammatical without being synonymous: they
both share the [+/-learned] feature.</p>
      <p>d) The reason why it is grammatical to say
praghmatika anoiksiatikos kairos ‘real spring
weather’, praghmatika vounisios aeras ‘real
mountain air’, but we do not say *praghmatika
earini isimeria ‘real vernal equinox,
*praghmatika oreinos oghkos ‘real mountain
massif’: the adverb praghmatika ‘real/proper’
modifies qualifying adjectives but not
taxonomic/relational ones.</p>
      <p>e) The reason why the suffix -in(os) is
selected in utterances that refer to the speaker’s
“HERE and NOW”, within the deictic system:
adjectives in -in(os) merely denote a location in
space and time; that is, within the NP, they create
a temporal or spatial relationship between the
modified noun and the time period or the
location signified by the base-noun. Conversely, the
suffix -iatik(os) is associated with a subjective,
experiential and/or stereotypical temporal
meaning, while the suffix -isi(os) is experientially
associated with the notion of provenance, e.g.,
brostinos - *brostisios ‘of the front’, simerinos –
*simeriatikos, *simerisios ‘of today’.</p>
      <p>f) The reason why the adjectives tritiatikos
‘of Tuesday’, tetartiatikos ‘of Wednesday’,
pemptiatikos ‘of Thursday’ (and the
corresponding adverbs) are not encountered in written texts:
are they potential or non-grammatical words?
According to the theoretical framework followed
throughout this article, the aforementioned words
are constructed according to the LCRREL and are,
therefore, potential words. However, they are not
encountered in written texts due to pragmatic
factors, as individuals – marking time and
demarcating their life according to a sum – in our
case, a sum of days –, are inclined to pay
attention only to the beginning and the end, that is, for
people, the days that mark the beginning and the
end of the week are of particular importance.</p>
      <p>Based on what I have stated above, I suggest
the following categorization of the three suffixes
according to semantic criteria:
space
time
experiential
-isi(os)
-iatik(os)
objective
-in(os)</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-8">
      <title>Impact on the theory of derivation</title>
      <p>
        Every suffix is characterized by their
categorical, semantic, and pragmatic/stylistic
specifications and, according to this “genetic
inheritance”, they participate in the LCRs.
Consequently, within the field of Construction
Morphology, the notion of compatibility is key
notion for grammaticality judgements. Thus, it
seems to me that it is a bit far-fetched to attribute
anomalies/exceptions, or even a lack of
productivity, to lexicon merely because the study of
lexicon constitutes unmapped territory
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref3">(see also
Anastassiadis-Syméonidis, 2003)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>Similarly, as there is no synonymy between
lexemes, there is neither synonymy between
suffixes nor between their derivatives, even if the
related suffixes are attached to the same base or
if the same suffix is attached to a synonymous
base.</p>
      <p>Lastly, semantic/pragmatic reasons
determine the genre of text wherein a derived lexeme
will appear, due to semantic/pragmatic features
of both the base as well as the suffix.
6</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-9">
      <title>Conclusion</title>
      <p>Since the lexicon does not constitute a
separate level of linguistic analysis, but horizontaly
cuts through all levels, the properties of those
levels are to be taken into consideration, that is,
phonological, morphological, syntactic, semantic
and pragmatic.</p>
      <p>This study examines the abstract system – in
the form of LCRs and the suffixes’ semantic
instruction, which, according to several theories, is
homogeneous. However, the present study is
based on actual language use, since it takes into
consideration rich authentic language data within
context, linguistic production of native speakers,
as well as metalinguistic texts. In particular, the
study of concordances in the Corpus of Greek
Texts illustrated the breadth of use of derivatives
that carry the suffixes in question.</p>
      <p>The homogeneity of the abstract system is
contrasted to the linguistic variety characterizing
the use of the system, and simultaneously, it
constitutes an essential linguistic attribute.</p>
      <p>In our case, variety is associated with the
varying degrees of availability of the suffixes in
question, as well as with the [+/- learned] feature.
This simultaneous examination is beneficial to
both, as it bridges the gap between theory and
practice to the extent that one fuels the other.
This is a dynamic, dialectical relationship that
explains language change, which has been a
topic of interest either in the form of borrowing,
during earlier times, or through the non-frequent
occurrence of the -isi(os) suffix in contemporary
language.</p>
      <p>Furthermore, an association has been
attempted between the onomasiological method –
which, in our case, originates from the notion of
time and space – and the semasiological method.
The latter, starting from the form of the suffixes
-iatik(os), -in(os) and -isi(os), focused on the
extensive analysis of their semantic instruction,
unlike other studies that are limited to a basic
presentation of semantic features.</p>
      <p>Within D. Corbin’s theoretical framework of
Construction Morphology, meaning occupies a
central role, since the units that contribute to it
are meaning-bearing units. The constructed
lexemes demand a more complex analysis at the
semantic level in comparison to simple ones. The
reasons are multiple: (i) because two elements
participate – the base and the suffix; (ii) because
the suffix is encountered in many other
constructed lexemes; (iii) because the base is part of
other constructed lexemes with a different suffix;
and, (iv) because the meaning and the behavior
at the level of anaphora of constructed lexemes
are associated with their morphological structure.
Through implementing this theoretical
framework, it was possible to compare the semantic
instruction of the suffixes -iatik(os), -in(os) and
-isi(os), the interpretation of semantic similarities
and differences between derived words that carry
those suffixes, as well as the interpretation of
grammaticality through the notion of
compatibility between the base-noun and the suffix with
regard to grammatical category, meaning, and
pragmatic level.</p>
    </sec>
  </body>
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