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  <front>
    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>A User-Based Approach to Spanish-Speaking L2 Acquisition of Chinese Applicative Operation</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Nana Y-H Huang</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1">1</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>Cambridge University</institution>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff1">
          <label>1</label>
          <institution>Copyright © by the paper's authors. Copying permitted for private and academic purposes. In Vito Pirrelli, Claudia Marzi, Marcello Ferro (eds.): Word Structure and Word Usage. Proceedings of the NetWordS Final Conference</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>Pisa</addr-line>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <fpage>124</fpage>
      <lpage>127</lpage>
      <abstract>
        <p>Recent studies of argument structure distinguishes non-core (applied) arguments from core arguments in the sense that non-core ones do not belong to the basic argument structure of verbs and that they enter argument structures through Applicative Operations (AO) introduced by functional heads such as Low Applicative-source (LA-source) or Low Applicative-goal (LA-goal) heads (Pylkkänen, 2000; 2002; 2008; Cuervo, 2003). Because languages make use of different applicative heads, in this study, I examine the acquisition of Chinese AO by Spanish-speaking L2 learners and propose a usage-based approach for the results collected from a comprehension task and an acceptability judgment task.</p>
      </abstract>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>Applicative Operations in Spanish</title>
      <p>
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">Cuervo (2003</xref>
        ) reports that in Spanish a predicate
which expresses the transfer of a theme to a goal,
such as verbs indicating creation (e.g. cocinar
‘cook/bake’, construer ‘build’, and etc.), allows
LA-goal, where the applied argument is the
dative argument, as in (1).
(1) Valeria le diseñó
una pollera a
      </p>
      <sec id="sec-1-1">
        <title>Anna.</title>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-1-2">
        <title>Valeria CL designed a skirt</title>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-1-3">
        <title>DAT Anna</title>
        <p>Lit.: ‘Valeria designed Anna a skirt.’</p>
        <p>A Spanish applied argument can also appear in
the environment of a transfer predicate with
‘reverse directionality’, such as robar ‘steal’, sacar
‘take from’, and extraer ‘take out from’. In this
case the applied argument is understood as the
possessive source of the theme object.
(2) Pablo le robó la bicicleta a</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-1-4">
        <title>Anna.</title>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-1-5">
        <title>Pablo CL stole the bike</title>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-1-6">
        <title>DAT Anna</title>
        <p>Lit.: ‘Pablo stole Anna the bike.’</p>
        <p>The source argument appears in dative case
which has the same morphosyntactic properties
of a recipient argument; therefore, it is predicted
that in the context of verbs with underspecified
directionality (e.g., vender ‘sell’ and alquilar
‘rent’) and verbs of motion (e.g., lanzar ‘throw’
and pataer ‘kick’), the applied argument would
be ambiguous between a goal and a source.
Cuervo provides such an example as (3).
(3) Valeria le vendió el auto a
su hermano.</p>
        <p>Valeria CL sold the car DAT her brother
1.
2.</p>
        <p>Valeria sold the/her car to her brother.</p>
        <p>Valeria sold her brother’s car.
1.2</p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>Applicative operations in Chinese</title>
      <p>In Chinese, AO is as productive; nevertheless,
unlike Spanish, Chinese only allows LA-source
(see (4)) but not LA-goal (see (5)):
(4) Zhangsan tou-le</p>
      <sec id="sec-2-1">
        <title>Lili liang tai diannao.</title>
        <p>Zhangsan steal-PERF Lili two CL computer
‘Zhangsan stole Lili of two computers.’
(5) *Zhangsan sheji-le</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-2-2">
        <title>Lili liang jian qunzi.</title>
        <p>Zhangsan design-PERF Lili two CL skirt
‘Zhangsan designed Lili two skirts.’
1.3</p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>Research Questions</title>
      <p>This study examines Spanish L2ers’ acquisition
of Chinese AO and considers the learnability
problem posed by the superset-subset relation
between Spanish and Chinese on this structure
(i.e. Spanish allows both LA-goal and LA-source
while Chinese allows only LA-source). We
predict learners to wrongly transfer LA-goal, which
is allowed in L1 Spanish, to L2 Chinese despite
the lack of positive evidence for the use of
LAgoal in L2 input. Furthermore, due to lack of
negative evidence (from the fact that AO do not
appear in pedagogical textbooks nor in
classrooms designed for L2ers), L2 Chinese input
lacks information regarding ungrammaticality of
LA-goal, which would be necessary for L2ers to
rule out incorrect hypotheses. That is, these
learners are expected to show overgeneralization
from early on till even at the advanced level.</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>Methods</title>
      <p>To test our prediction on L1 transfer effects we
designed two tasks to probe different knowledge
of L2 structures: one being implicit and
meaning–focused; the other being explicit and
formfocused.
2.1</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-5">
      <title>Materials and Procedures</title>
      <p>An Animation Matching Task (AMT) was used
to probe L2er’s implicit knowledge because it
called for a focus on meaning. The AMT
included 12 items (6 test sentences and 6 fillers). The 6
test sentences included verbs underspecified for
directionality of transfer. The 6 fillers bore only
surface similarity and served to distract
participants’ focus in different ways. 2 contained
syntactically unacceptable sentences; another 2
contained sentences that matched both animations;
the other 2 contained sentences that matched
neither of the two animations. See Appendix A.</p>
      <p>On each trial, the L2ers first saw 2 animations
on the computer screen. Next, they heard the
target sentence presented auditorily. Participants
were required to match the sentence to the
correct animation. For example,
(6) Zhansan reng-le</p>
      <sec id="sec-5-1">
        <title>Lisi yi jian waitao.</title>
        <p>Zhangsan toss-PERF Lisi one CL coat
Lit: ‘Zhangsan tossed Lisi one coat.’
The sentence was preceded by two animations:
(a) Zhangsan tossed one coat to Lisi; (b)
Zhangsan tossed one of Lisi’s coats away. Participants
chose which animation was a better match for the
sentence by ticking the answer on the answer
sheet. They were told at the beginning of the test
that if they found both animations matching the
sentence, they could select both. If they found
neither matching the sentence or if they could not
understand the sentence, they could choose
‘don’t know’ option on the side and choose/state
the reason. See Appendix B.</p>
        <p>Following the AMT was the Acceptability
Judgment Task (AJT), which tapped participants’
explicit knowledge on forms. 2 different types of
verbs that induced opposite directionality of
transfer (i.e., grammatical LA-source and
ungrammatical LA-goal) were included, 3 items per
type. In addition, with 6 control sentences and 6
fillers, the AJT contained 18 items in total, half
grammatical and half ungrammatical. Please see
Appendix C. Rating scale ranged from very
unacceptable (1), unacceptable (2), acceptable (3),
to very acceptable (4). A ‘don’t know’ option
was provided on the side which learners could
choose if they were unsure of the response. See
Appendix D.
2.2</p>
        <p>Participants
20 L2ers and 10 natives speakers (NS) of
Chinese serving as a control group participated in
this study. All NS were graduate students born
and raised in Taiwan. Most L2ers were
undergraduate students with the exception of 3 people
being Catholic priests. L2ers had learned
Chinese in Taiwan for at least 3 years and came
from different Spanish-speaking countries.
Spanish was the native language for all L2ers. English
was the second most proficient language.
Before the study, L2ers had completed a 40-item
Chinese proficiency cloze test developed by
Yuan (2014). Based on the scores, they were
divided into Advanced (AD) and Intermediate (IN)
group. Table 1 summarizes the participants’
background information and cloze test scores.
Group
Number of
participants
Mean age
(ranges in
brackets)
Duration
(years) of
formal
instruction
Length
(years) of
residence in
Taiwan
Cloze test
score
(ranges in
brackets)</p>
        <p>NS
10
26.2
(22-28)</p>
        <p>NA
NA</p>
        <p>AD
10
26.9
(23-38)
8.4
5.7
(3-11)
39</p>
        <p>35
(38-40)
(33-37)</p>
        <p>IN
10
24.1
(20-36)
5.7
4.8
(3-9)
29
(27-32)
Table 2 presents the percentage of how often
participants chose a certain animation in the AMT
(for example, the (a) condition in example (6)
above depicts a Goal condition).</p>
        <p>Source
*Goal
*Both</p>
        <p>Don’t know
NS
AD
IN
100
57
23</p>
        <p>0
10
17
0
33
57
0
0
3
A 2-sample z-test was performed separately to
compare proportions between any 2 among the 3
groups. The results showed that any 2 groups
were significantly different from each other in
the choice for Source and for Both, but not
significantly different in Goal. IN group as expected
showed overgeneralization in wrongly choosing
Both, while AD group seemed to be able to
overcome overgeneralization and limit the
construction of Chinese AO to LA-source from the fact
that the choice for Both was greatly decreased
and that for Source was greatly increased at the
higher proficiency level.</p>
        <p>As for the AJT, Table 3 presents the mean
scores with the standard deviation in the brackets
of each group by verb types. Using an alpha level
of 0.05, paired t-tests showed that only NS
exhibited significant difference in the responses to
2 types of verbs, while L2 groups did not.
Group
NS
AD
IN</p>
        <p>Verb type
Consumption
3.53(0.39)
3.22(0.54)
3(0.34)</p>
        <p>Creation
1.36(0.24)
3.33(0.44)
3.23(0.38)
In contrast with the result in Table 2, AD group
did not perform better in AJT than IN group in
rejecting ungrammatical AO-Goal introduced by
verbs of creation. The question is how we can
explain for AD group’s inconsistency in
overcoming overgeneralization.</p>
        <p>Notice that the major difference between the 2
tasks is whether the verb specifies directionality
of transfer. Verbs included in the AMT are the
verbs that do not favor a particular direction of
transfer and therefore the introduced applied
argument is inherently ambiguous between Goal
and Source in the L1 Spanish. In other words, the
verbs that trigger ambiguity in L1 Spanish are
where subjects first overcome
overgeneralization.</p>
        <p>
          It is, therefore, proposed that subjects’
experience in L1 to resort to context in the face of
ambiguity caused by verbs underspecified for
directionality helps advanced L2ers overcome
overgeneralization. The sensitivity trained in L1 is
transferred to L2 learning and displayed in that
more attention is paid to the co-occurring applied
argument in the face of ambiguous thematic role
assigned to applied argument. Advanced L2ers
might have accumulated enough indirect
statistical information
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref7">(Reali and Christiansen, 2005)</xref>
          tracked from co-occurrences of recurring
sequences of words before being able to overcome
overgeneralization. This finding suggests that the
effects of L1 transfer result not only from the
similarity and/or difference of linguistic facts
between the native and the target language, but
also from L2ers’ experience gained in their
native language.
        </p>
        <p>Type of Verbs
Test sentences
Fillers
小明拿了小華一本雜誌
小張搬了小李一張桌子
張三扔了李四一件外套
阿明偷了阿華兩瓶可樂
張三買了李四一支毛筆
小張贏了小李一隻手錶
小明殺了小華兩頭小羊 (matches both)
老李給了老張一隻小鳥 (matches both)
老王倒了小李一棵小樹 (ungrammatical)
老李關了老張一隻小鳥 (ungrammatical)
小華送了小李兩瓶可樂 (matches neither)
張三教了瑪莉兩題數學 (matches neither)
Appendix B: Sample Answer Sheet of the AMT
Appendix C: Test sentences in the AJT
If you tick ‘I don’t know’, please tick or state the
reason</p>
        <p>Neither of the two animations is correct.</p>
        <p>I do not understand the sentence that I heard.
Other reason _______________
Type of Verbs
Verbs of Consumption
Verbs of Creation
Control Sentences
Fillers
李四吃了張三兩個蛋糕
小華喝了小明兩瓶紅酒
小李用了小張一支鉛筆
*阿華烤了小明一個蛋糕
*小李煮了老張一頓晚餐
*張三造了老李一棟房子
李四吃了兩個蛋糕
小華喝了兩瓶紅酒
小李用了一支鉛筆
阿華烤了一個蛋糕
小李煮了一頓晚餐
張三造了一棟房子
老李給了老張一隻小鳥
小華送了小李兩瓶可樂
張三教了瑪莉兩題數學
*老李給了隔壁老張
*小華送了鄰居小李
*張三教了同學瑪莉
Appendix D: Sample Answer Sheet of the AJT
1. 阿明吃了我兩個蛋糕。
Unacceptable</p>
        <p>1</p>
        <p>Unacceptable Acceptable
Acceptable</p>
        <p>4</p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
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