=Paper=
{{Paper
|id=Vol-1347/paper35
|storemode=property
|title=From physical to metaphorical motion: a cross-genre approach
|pdfUrl=https://ceur-ws.org/Vol-1347/paper35.pdf
|volume=Vol-1347
|dblpUrl=https://dblp.org/rec/conf/networds/CaballeroI15
}}
==From physical to metaphorical motion: a cross-genre approach==
From physical to metaphorical motion: A cross-genre approach Rosario Caballero Iraide Ibarretxe-Antuñano Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha (Spain) Universidad de Zaragoza (Spain) MRrio.Caballero@uclm.es iraide@unizar.es context of use is critical for the study of motion 1 Introduction patterns –whether real, fictive or metaphorical– and, above all, their correct interpretation. Talmy (1991, 2000) classifies languages into verb-framed and satellite-framed types according 2 Research questions to whether the Path of a motion event is lexical- ized as a satellite of the main verb in the clause In this talk, we discuss the lexicalization patterns or as the verb itself. Thus, in English (and other of metaphorical events in genre-specific texts in S-languages like Dutch or Danish) verbs often English, a satellite-framed language, and Span- encode rich information concerning Manner, ish, a verb-framed language. More concretely, Cause and/or Movement but need a so-called we explore whether (a) the lexicalization and satellite to convey the Path of motion. In con- rhetorical differences between Spanish and Eng- trast, in Spanish and Romance languages in gen- lish discussed in the motion literature are sus- eral, verbs are mainly concerned with trajectory tained in genres other than narratives, and (b) the or Path, and any other additional information idiosyncrasy of those genres has any typological (Manner or Cause of motion) is expressed by implications and, at the same time, affects the means of sentence constituents playing an adver- expressions’ creativity and expressiveness. bial role. As a result, speakers of verb-framed and satellite-framed languages appear to exhibit 3 Methodology different rhetorical styles when describing the We use a 600.000-word corpus comprising ten- same motion event (Slobin, 1996, 2004). nis, wine and architecture reviews written in the- Together with dealing with real motion, se two languages. These genres (or genre colony Talmy’s work has provided the starting point in (Bhatia, 2000)) fall within reviewing practices: research on (a) fictive motion, i.e. the dynamic their main goal is to describe and evaluate an predication of physical yet static entities such as event (a tennis match) or an entity (wine and roads or cables, as in The road climbs over the buildings) for an audience that may or may not hill (Langacker, 1986; Matsumoto, 1996a; have any previous knowledge about them, yet is Talmy, 2000; Matlock and Bergmann, in press), interested in having an assessment written by a and (b) metaphorical motion, i.e. the dynamic knowledgeable source. The texts were searched predication of abstract entities such as the econ- by hand in order to identify the motion construc- omy, emotions, and the like as in Jealousy tions used in them. The unit of analysis was any snaked its way into our relationship (Özçalışkan, instance concerned with motion –figurative or 2003, 2004, 2005, 2007; Morris et al., 2007). In otherwise. A second step involved cleaning the general, research on fictive and metaphorical texts and converting them into machine readable motion has focused on the way the speakers of in order to run a concordance program and count different languages typically describe motion the verb types and number of instances (tokens) events in everyday, general contexts. Although in the three sub-corpora. After identifying the yielding interesting results for the overall charac- verbs used in the three genres, they were classi- terization of languages, this may result in a de- fied into two main groups in agreement with two gree of overgeneralization towards the phenome- criteria. First, the semantic information of verb non at issue. This is reinforced by the way in involved (motion1-when the verb includes mo- which the data illustrating the research claims are tion information in its semantic description and often presented: the examples often appear in a motion2-when the verb, despite not being a mo- decontextualized manner, with scarce or no men- tion verb per se, can be reinterpreted as such due tion to the characteristics of the discourse context to the construction it is used in) and, second, the or event where they are used, typically, the dis- motion elements (Path-the trajectory or course course genre where they occur). This is unfortu- followed by the moving object, Manner-the way nate since the inclusion and description of the Copyright © by the paper’s authors. Copying permitted for private and academic purposes. In Vito Pirrelli, Claudia Marzi, Marcello Ferro (eds.): Word Structure and Word Usage. Proceedings of the NetWordS Final Conference, Pisa, March 30-April 1, 2015, published at http://ceur-ws.org 155 in which motion is performed) present in the ex- (e.g. hobble, sally forth, waltz…), hence showing amples. Figure 1 illustrates the coding. the creativity and –almost– endless possibilities of this language in this respect. With respect to our second goal, we found that knowledge of the genre where the expressions are used is critical to correctly understand and Figure 1: Example of corpus coding. explain metaphorical motion instances. This is particularly salient when comparing the use of 4 Results the same verb in three different genres: indeed, a As far as our first goal is concerned, our results single verb may foreground aspects of a given show that the lexicalization and rhetorical pat- situation irrelevant in a different context. For terns described for Spanish and English are instance, the verb tumble in (2): maintained in the specific contexts explored, and therefore, results are congruent with research (2a) architecture done on metaphorical motion events in general A stair tumbles down from this first floor incision contexts. However, the data also yield interesting onto the man-made island. insights: metaphorical motion instances found in specific contexts are more expressive and abun- (2b) wine dant with regard to Manner than what is the case The fruit shows well-ripened apples and peaches in general uses of language. This is particularly all the way into pineapples and mangoes, offer- noteworthy in the Spanish data, whose expressiv- ing up a cascade of flavors that tumble across ity contrasts with the general tendency to omit the palate. Manner and other details of motion events in other contexts. For instance, examples such as (2c) tennis those in (1) are frequently used in our corpus: Andy Murray has been sent tumbling out of AO 2008 by Frenchman Tsonga (1a) architecture La senda de exhibiciones de arte nurágico se The property of tumble shared by all these exam- desliza entre ambas pieles del edificio permitien- ples is ‘uncontrolled’, but this lack of control has do una visualización más íntima de las obras a different interpretation in each genre. Thus, ‘The exhibition path of nuragic art slides be- although in (2a) tumble suggests a certain lack of tween the two skins of the building allowing a order, the main concern of the verb is to convey more intimate visualization of the works’ the visual force of the stair thus described, which somehow overwhelms those gazing at it. In (2b), (1b) wine the ‘uncontrolled’ property does not suggest a En boca tiene una magnifica entrada, suave, sa- certain disorder or chaos of a wine’s gustatory broso y equilibrado […], aunque en el paso so- properties; rather, it expresses a sensory over- bresalen rasgos vegetales y se precipita hacia un flow or gustatory richness perceived by this critic final en el que predominan notas tostadas y as a positive trait of a complex wine. Finally, in amargas (2c) the verb not only conveys Tsonga’s con- ‘Smooth, tasty and balanced, it enters the mouth vincing win, but Murray’s pain and shame when powerfully […] although some vegetal notes losing to an inferior player ranking-wise. peek mid journey and it plunges towards a finish Examples like these are interesting in three re- where toasty and bitter notes predominate’ spects. First, although the information conveyed by motion verbs may be perfectly obvious for (1c) tennis architects, tennis fans and wine aficionados and Murray se pasea en el ágora de Valencia critics, this may not be the case for people out- ‘Murray strolls in the agora in Valencia’ side these communities. Hence, the need to un- derline the importance of bringing the notion of This expressivity is more outstanding in the case acculturation to the centre of metaphor research, of English: the data from the specific corpus not i.e. the relevance of taking into account all the only reinforce the high expressivity and richness factors that shape a given culture and its charac- of this language with regard of Manner, but add teristic genres within a broader cultural panora- novel verbs to those susceptible to being used in ma. Second, they problematize some of the the description of motion events in other contexts views on both fictive and metaphorical motion 156 discussed by cognitive scholars: (a) the trajectors Şeyda Özçalışkan. 2003. Metaphorical motion in and verbs involved depart from those typically crosslinguistic perspective: A comparison of Eng- described in fictive motion, and (b) the construc- lish and Turkish. Metaphor and Symbol, 18 (3): tions dealing with buildings and wines do not 189-228. comply with the unidirectional concrete-onto- Şeyda Özçalışkan. 2004. Encoding the manner, path, abstract quality of the metaphorical mappings ground components of a metaphorical motion described in, for instance, the expression of fi- event. Annual Review of Cognitive Linguistics, 2: nancial issues or emotions, but involve concrete 73-102. sources and targets. This suggests that fictiveness Şeyda Özçalışkan. 2005. Metaphor meets typology: as opposed to metaphoricity may be a question of Ways of moving metaphorically in English and degree, yet this can only be ascertained by con- Turkish. Cognitive Linguistics, 16 (1): 207-246. sidering all the factors underlying the use of mo- Şeyda Özçalışkan. 2007. Metaphors we move by: tion constructions in communication — from the Children’s developing understanding of metaphori- trajectors involved to the reasons motivating cal motion in typologically distinct languages. their use. Third, while English and Spanish differ Metaphor and Symbol, 22 (2): 147-168. in the expression of real motion events, their dif- Dan I. Slobin. 1996. Two ways to travel: Verbs of ferences are less dramatic in the expression of motion in English and Spanish. In M. Shibatani figurative motion which, again, points to the im- and S. A. Thompson (eds.), Grammatical Con- pact of culture and genre in the language use. structions: Their Form and Meaning, 195-219. New York: Oxford University Press. Acknowledgements Dan I. Slobin. 2004. The many ways to search for a This research has been supported by ESF Short frog. In S. Strömqvist and L. Verhoeven (eds.), Re- Visit Grants to both authors (NetWords 09-RNO- lating Events in Narrative. Typological and Con- 089, European Science Foundation) and by the textual Perspectives, 219-257. Hillsdale, NJ: Law- Spanish Government (MovEsII, FFI2013-45553- rence Erlbaum. C3-2-P; FFI2013-45553-C3-1-P). Leonard Talmy. 1991. Path to realization: A typology of event conflation. Proceedings of the Seventeenth References Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, Vijay K. Bhatia. 1999. Integrating products, process- 17: 480-519. es, purposes and participants in professional writ- Leonard Talmy. 2000. Toward a Cognitive Semantics. ing. In C. Candlin and K. Hyland (eds.), Writing: Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Texts, Processes and Practices, 21-40. London: Longman. Ronald W Langacker. 1986. Abstract motion. Pro- ceedings of the Twelfth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 12: 455-471. Teenie Matlock and Till Bergmann. In press. Fictive Motion. In E. Dabrowska and D. Divjak (eds.), Mouton Handbook of Cognitive Linguistics. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Yo Matsumoto. 1996a. Subjective motion and English and Japanese verbs. Cognitive Linguistics 7, 183- 226. Yo Matsumoto. 1996b. How abstract is subjective motion? A comparison of access path expressions and coverage path expressions. In A. Goldberg (ed.), Conceptual Structure, Discourse and Lan- guage, 359-373. Stanford: CSLI Publications. Michael W. Morris, Oliver J. Sheldon, Daniel R. Ames and Maia J. Young. 2007. Metaphors and the market: Consequences and preconditions of agent and object metaphors in stock market commentary. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 102: 174-192. 157