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  <front>
    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Children's Inductive Inferences are Influenced by Some Features More than Others</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Judith Danovitch (j.danovitch@louisville.edu)</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1">1</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>Department of Psychological &amp; Brain Sciences, 317 Life Sciences, University of Louisville Louisville</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>KY 40292</addr-line>
          <country country="US">USA</country>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff1">
          <label>1</label>
          <institution>Nicholaus S. Noles</institution>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <fpage>419</fpage>
      <lpage>424</lpage>
      <abstract>
        <p>The present study integrates ideas and approaches from studies of psychophysics and conceptual development. Preschool age children were presented with creatures that either fit into a prototypical category or had features/labels from competing categories. Children were asked to complete classification (e.g., identify a creature's category) and induction (e.g., identify a creatures missing features, given a category label) trials. The feature dimensions tested, shape and color, were selected in order to evaluate the relative salience of different kinds of features. When presented with prototypical category members, children's classifications and inductions were accurate. When presented with creatures with counter-predictive features, neither feature was found to unduly influence children's classifications. In contrast, when children were asked to make inductions about creatures with features that conflicted with their category labels, one feature - color - was found to significantly influence inductions while the other feature - shape - did not. This finding indicates that consideration of psychophysical properties is required in order to accurately interpret studies exploring children's conceptual development.</p>
      </abstract>
      <kwd-group>
        <kwd>categories</kwd>
        <kwd>labels</kwd>
        <kwd>concepts</kwd>
        <kwd>development</kwd>
        <kwd>induction</kwd>
      </kwd-group>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>-</title>
      <p>
        Relatively early in development, children exhibit an
impressive ability to organize the world around them.
With relatively sparse input, as limited as a verbal label
from a peer or adult, children can form categories that
guide their classifications of objects, individuals, and
events. Moreover, children use these categories to make
projective inductions. They apply their knowledge of
known category members to make educated guesses
about the features of novel category members. So, if a
child knows that their pet cat is safe to approach when
it is purring and dangerous to approach when it wags its
tail, then they can apply that knowledge to draw
inferences about new cats that they encounter
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">(for a
review, see Murphy, 2002)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>
        The fact that children adeptly navigate categorization
and induction is uncontroversial. However, the source
of these competencies is a perpetual source of debate
within the field of child development. Although there
are a number of competing theories and models that
might be used to explain how children use and acquire
categorization and induction behaviors, these
explanations can be roughly condensed into two
approaches. Similarity-based approaches focus
primarily on associative, perceptual, and statistical
factors when investigating and characterizing children’s
competencies
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14 ref16 ref7 ref8">(e.g., Jones &amp; Smith, 1993; McClelland
&amp; Rogers, 2003; Rakison, 2004; Sloutsky &amp;
Napolitano, 2003)</xref>
        . In contrast, theory-based approaches
focus on children’s knowledge and intuitive theories to
address their understanding of intentions, causality, and
other nonobvious features of entities
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13 ref18 ref3 ref6">(e.g., Gelman,
2003; Gopnik &amp; Sobel, 2000; Opfer &amp; Bulloch, 2007;
Wellman &amp; Phillips, 2001)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>
        These two approaches have remained at odds for
decades because they have complementary advantages
and disadvantages. Similarity-based approaches are
elegant because of their simplicity, deriving
explanatory power from domain-general cognitive
processes related to attention and perception. At some
level, these processes, and their related brain areas,
must be recruited in perceiving and learning concepts
and categories. However, hypotheses and models
grounded in a similarity-based approach have had
difficulty addressing some basic characteristics of
concepts and conceptual development. For example,
children’s inductive inferences are commonly guided
by category membership, even when perceptual
features are available and informative
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">(Gelman &amp;
Markman, 1986)</xref>
        . Also, similarity-based approaches
sometimes struggle to explain some basic findings
related to categories and concepts, including that some
features are more important for categorization than
others
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">(i.e., feature centrality, see Gelman &amp; Wellman,
1991)</xref>
        and that the salience of a given feature can vary
across categories
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">(i.e., context sensitivity, see Medin &amp;
Shoben, 1988)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>Theory-based approaches have little difficulty
addressing these complications because they attribute
deep, and sometimes complex, naïve or intuitive
theories to individuals, including young children. Thus,
where similarity-based approaches are elegant and
efficient, theory-based approaches presuppose
substantial innate conceptual acumen. Conversely,
theory-based accounts address, and in some cases
predict, a wide range of behaviors and intuitions in
children and adults that are problematic for
similaritybased accounts.</p>
      <p>
        Today, the work produced by researchers employing
each of these approaches continues in parallel,
advancing separate theoretical agendas without directly
addressing the friction between views. However, there
are some notable exceptions. Specifically, Sloutsky and
colleagues
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15 ref16">(see Sloutsky &amp; Fisher, 2004; Sloutsky &amp;
Napolitano, 2003)</xref>
        developed a similarity-based theory
called SINC. Their model characterizes category labels
as perceptual features of entities in an attempt to
explain circumstances where children employ labels,
and not reliable perceptual features, to guide their
inductive inferences
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">(Gelman &amp; Markman, 1986)</xref>
        .
However, the methods used to develop and test this
model were methodologically flawed
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11 ref12">(Noles &amp;
Gelman, 2012a; 2012b)</xref>
        . In contrast,
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref17">Waxman and
Gelman (2009)</xref>
        took a different approach, suggesting
that the tension between similarity- and theory-based
approaches is actually founded upon a false dichotomy
between perceptual and conceptual factors, noting that
both are critical to cognitive development, and that
theorists primarily differ in their emphasis of some
factors over others.
      </p>
      <p>The goal of the current project is to begin evaluating
the claims made by Waxman and Gelman using the
psychophysical approaches developed by Sloutsky and
colleagues. Doing so requires integrating research from
perception and psychophysics into approaches used to
study children’s conceptual development. This pairing
is not new to the field, but the pairing of perceptual
methods with developmental topics is particularly
challenging because child participants lack the expertise
and attention span of adults.</p>
      <p>
        As a first step toward the goal of more tightly
integrating research on perception and conceptual
development, the current project evaluates whether
certain stimulus dimensions influence children’s
classification and projective induction more than others.
There is evidence that some features are more salient
than others
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">(Gelman &amp; Wellman, 1991)</xref>
        and that salient
features can guide inductions
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">(Deng &amp; Sloutsky, 2012)</xref>
        ,
but these studies mix and match features that lie along a
broad continuum of stimulus dimensions, some of
which are more or less categorical and perceptually
distinguishable
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">(Garner, 1974)</xref>
        . Indeed, the contrasts
within and between stimulus dimensions are critical to
interpreting categorical and perceptual effects because
children and adults flexibly attend to more
discriminable, higher contrast stimulus dimensions
when they are available
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11 ref12">(Noles &amp; Gelman, 2012b)</xref>
        .
Thus, the current study is designed to begin the process
of evaluating the relative salience of different kinds of
features.
      </p>
      <p>
        As an initial step, this study focuses on two common
features typically used in studies of classification and
induction: color changes and shape changes. A third
variable, the presence or absence of a third feature, was
also employed in order to add additional variety and
complexity to the test stimuli. The paradigm used in
this study is schematically similar to the design
developed by
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">Deng and Sloutsky (2012)</xref>
        .
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>Method</title>
      <sec id="sec-2-1">
        <title>Participants</title>
        <p>Prior studies of classification and induction,
particularly using the approaches employed in the
present study, largely focus on children between the
ages of three and five. Thus, that age group was the
focus of the present study. Fourteen preschool aged
children (M = 4.64, SD = .25, range: 4.13 to 5.05, 7
female) were recruited from daycares in urban and
suburban settings in the greater metro area of
Louisville, Kentucky. Children were tested individually
by an experimenter at their school, and they received a
certificate and sticker as rewards for participation. Data
from one additional child was excluded from analysis
because the child failed to follow directions.</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-2-2">
        <title>Materials &amp; Procedure</title>
        <p>The materials used in this study consisted of
drawings of artificial creatures. Each creature had three
features, including color, a “bottom” feature (i.e., a
tail), and a “top” feature (i.e., a mouth or horns). The
key features in this study were the color and tail feature.
As in prior studies, each of these features was set to one
of two binary values. Color was either a fully bright and
saturated value for red (rgb = 255, 0, 0) or the same
color at 50% the brightness. The bottom or tail feature
was one of two triangles. Both triangles had the same
area, but one was four times the height of the other. The
third and final feature was either present or absent on
top of each creature. Two artificial prototypes were
created by randomly assigning one color and tail to
create two prototype creatures for two categories, flurps
and jalets, see Figure 1. The third feature appeared on
half of the creatures and was category neutral (i.e., each
individual flurp or jalet had a 50% chance of having a
top feature). In addition to the prototypical creatures,
mismatch creatures were generated by mixing features
across categories (e.g., a flurp color with a jalet tail, in
classification trials) or presenting a creature with a
diagnostic feature from one category with a label from
the other category (e.g., a creature labeled as a flurp
that is the color of a jalet, in induction trials). Other
materials included creatures with competing features
from both prototypes, color patches depicting both
values of color used in the stimuli, black and white line
drawings of creatures, disembodied tails, and two audio
tracks. The audio tracks consisted of a woman’s voice
saying, “this is a flurp,” and “this is a jalet.” Each was
approximately four seconds long.</p>
        <p>Participants were tested individually in a quiet space
at their preschool. Stimuli were displayed using
presentation software on a laptop with a 15-inch screen,
and the experimenter determined the pace of the
session, ensuring that children were looking at the
screen before beginning each trial. Three kinds of trials
were presented to participants, including training trials,
classification trials, and induction trials.</p>
        <sec id="sec-2-2-1">
          <title>Prototypical Creatures Mismatch Creatures flurps jalets</title>
        </sec>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-2-3">
        <title>Procedure</title>
        <p>Training Trials The experiment began when the
experimenter said, “I’m going to show you two kinds of
creatures, flurps and jalets. I want you to look at them
and remember what they look like because I will ask
you about them later.” Children then saw each
prototypical creature six times, for a total of 24 training
trails. These trials were split evenly between the two
tobe-learned categories, and they depicted prototypical
jalets and flurps. Each was accompanied by a four
second audio track that both labeled each creature and
indicated when the experimenter should progress to the
next trial (i.e., exposure to each trial was approximately
4 seconds). Training trials were presented in a random
order for each participant.</p>
        <p>Classification Trials Classification trials began with
the following instructions: “I’m going to show you
some more creatures that look a lot like the ones before.
This time I’m going to show you a creature and ask you
to tell me if it’s a flurp or a jalet.” Classification trials
were identical to training trials except that the creatures
were not labeled. After each trial, the experimenter
asked if the creature was a jalet or a flurp. Participants
were presented with eight warm-up trials, divided
evenly between categories so that each prototypical
creature appeared twice. These trials were presented
with feedback. If a creature was incorrectly classified,
the experimenter said, “Oops, that’s a _____." Test
trials without feedback began immediately after the 8th
warm-up trial, and consisted of 16 trials, including two
instances of each prototypical creature and two
instances of each mismatch creature. Mismatch
creatures were constructed using one feature from each
category. Classification trials were presented
pseudorandomly. The first two trials were always prototypical
creatures, but the remaining trials were intermixed and
presented randomly.</p>
        <p>Induction Trials After the final classification trial, the
experimenter said, “Now I’m going to show you some
more creatures that look a lot like the ones before. This
time I’m going to tell you if it’s a jalet or a flurp, but
I’m going to ask you to guess what’s missing.” In each
induction trial, participants were presented with labeled
creatures that were missing a target feature. Because
this experiment focused on color and shape changes,
these features were missing from each creature, and
participants were prompted to select which of two
possible features was missing from the creature (e.g.,
“Which color/bottom is missing?” see Figure 2).
Induction trials featured a warm-up and test phase with
the same number, disposition, and
pseudorandomization as the previously displayed classification
trials</p>
        <sec id="sec-2-3-1">
          <title>Shape Judgment</title>
        </sec>
        <sec id="sec-2-3-2">
          <title>Color Judgment Figure 2: Example induction trials. Each trial was labeled, and participants were asked to indicate the missing feature.</title>
          <p>identifications on 80% of trials, which was significantly
greater than chance responding, t(13) = 4.67, p &lt; .001.
Since the informative features on each mismatch
creature were counter-predictive, accuracy for
mismatch trials was expected to be random if the tested
features were equivalently salient. For the purpose of
detecting differences in salience, accuracy on these
trials was therefore arbitrarily defined as a classification
that was consistent with each mismatch creature’s tail.
As can be seen in Figure 3, participants responded
rationally and randomly (M = 49%) when presented
with conflicting features.</p>
          <p>Classification Accuracy
100</p>
          <p>
            Induction For the purpose of evaluating inductions,
label-consistent responses were defined as “accurate.”
In the case of prototypes, this means that participants
chose the missing feature that matched both the label
and the visible informative feature. In the case of
mismatches, responses were labeled as accurate when
they aligned with labels
            <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">(as in Gelman &amp; Markman,
1986)</xref>
            , and not the visible feature from the opposite
category (e.g., if a creature with a jalet color is labeled
as a flurp, and then the participant is accurate if s/he
selects the feature that matches the label and not the
visible feature).
          </p>
          <p>Participants’ inductive inferences were evaluated
with a 2x2 repeated measures ANOVA with
Featuretype (color vs. shape) and Creature-type (prototype vs.
mismatch) as within-subjects factors. This analysis
revealed a significant main effect of Creature-type,
F(1,13) = 7.32, p &lt; .05, ηp2 = .36, indicating that
accuracy for prototypes was significantly greater than
mismatches. Planned comparisons
(Bonferronicorrected) further revealed that the difference between
prototype and mismatch creatures was only
significantly different when color was presented in
opposition to labels, p &lt; .05. To put this finding in
perspective, the means for prototypes and mismatches
across both Feature-types were compared to chance
responding using one-sample t-tests (chance = .5).
Every set of responses tested in this study significantly
exceeded chance responding (p’s &lt; .05) except when
labels were placed in competition with visible colors.</p>
          <p>Induction Accuracy
100
80
60
40
20
0
Judge
Color
Judge
Shape</p>
        </sec>
        <sec id="sec-2-3-3">
          <title>Prototypical</title>
        </sec>
        <sec id="sec-2-3-4">
          <title>Mismatch</title>
        </sec>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>Discussion</title>
      <p>Children’s classifications were very accurate when
they were presented with prototypical creatures. This
result indicates that they learned the target categories
and remembered them. When presented with mismatch
creatures, children responded randomly but rationally.
Because mismatch creatures were constructed of
features from competing categories (e.g., a jalet’s tail
paired with a flurp’s color), children had only
conflicting evidence to guide their classifications. If
children had a predisposition to only learn a single
feature, or to view one feature as more informative for
classification, then children’s responses would have
been non-random. Instead, their random responding
indicates the quality of their learning and their lack of
biases with respect to feature dimensions when making
classification judgments.</p>
      <p>Children’s inductions revealed a different pattern of
behaviors. As in classification trials, children were
accurate when making inductions about features
missing from prototypical creatures. Thus, when the
label and the visible feature were category-consistent,
children effectively identified the missing feature,
regardless of which feature they were judging.</p>
      <p>In contrast, children’s inductions diverged by
Feature-type when they were presented with mismatch
creatures. When they were asked to judge color,
children exhibited a bias to make label-consistent
judgments, as indicated by responses that significantly
differed from chance but did not differ from judgments
of prototypical creatures, which were always
labelconsistent if accurate. However, when asked to judge
shape, children’s responses were significantly less
accurate (i.e., less label-consistent) than their responses
to prototypical creatures, and their responses did not
differ from chance.</p>
      <p>
        Recall that mismatch creatures were constructed from
a label from one category and a visible feature from a
competing category. Thus, there was no “right” answer,
and either the label or the feature might have guided
children’s intuitions. In prior studies
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">(e.g., Gelman &amp;
Markman, 1986)</xref>
        , children tended to make
labelconsistent judgments, and indeed, theorists have posited
that they did so because labels are category-referring,
and thus more informative than other features of
entities.
      </p>
      <p>
        In the current study, children’s responses revealed
that they found labels to be more salient cues to
category membership than the shape of a part, but they
found labels and colors to be equally salient. This
pattern of results indicates that there were important
differences in salience between the stimulus dimensions
of color and shape. Broadly, these results represent
evidence that stimulus dimensions are not all equally
salient or informative.
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">Deng and Sloutsky (2012)</xref>
        presented a similar finding when they reported that
manipulating the salience of a single feature (e.g., by
making it move) provoked children into making more
feature-consistent and fewer label-consistent
inductions. The current results extend this finding
further, indicating that even in the absence of explicit
manipulations of salience, some stimulus dimensions
were inferred to be more informative or salient than
others.
      </p>
      <p>
        The pattern of results recorded here both supports
and undermines similarity-based accounts of
representation and conceptual development. On one
hand, these data reveal that results focusing on salience
may actually be tapping into differences between
stimulus dimensions, and not manipulations of
attention. For example, Deng and Sloutsky’s effect
might be attributable to the part that they selected to
make more salient, and not to the manipulation of
salience that they applied. On the other hand, these
results support claims that feature salience is important
and influences inductions. However, these results also
provide a mechanism by which certain kinds of
comparisons can be combined with specific features in
order to provoke findings that support a false
dichotomy between perceptual and conceptual factors,
as suggested by
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref17">Waxman and Gelman (2009)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>
        Perhaps the most important outcome of this study is
to highlight a fundamental problem with studies that
probe conceptual representations. Specifically, broad
claims about the role of labels or feature salience
cannot be evaluated without a strong understanding of
the between- and within-feature contrasts that they
represent. It is important to acknowledge that decisions
made while designing auditory and visual stimuli may
influence or provoke certain response patterns in young
participants. Historically, these factors have received
little attention, even though they have recently been
identified as powerfully influencing both child and
adult participants
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11 ref12">(e.g., Noles &amp; Gelman, 2012a;
2012b)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>Studies of psychophysics focusing on child
participants are relatively rare. Preschoolers especially
are not well suited to the number of trials or the kinds
of manipulations usually employed by such approaches.
However, it is increasingly obvious that the mechanics
of perception and attention are playing important and
under-represented roles in our modern understanding of
children’s conceptual development. The purpose of the
current project to address this gap in our understanding,
and to begin to contextualize and understand how past
design decisions and experimental methodologies have
shaped our modern understanding of children’s
categorization and induction behaviors.</p>
      <p>Future studies should focus on exploring other
popular manipulations, such as changes in size and
positioning, as well as the presence or absence of
features, which was a random factor in the present
study but is currently being studied in ongoing projects.
Contrasting values of these features are employed in
many studies, but they are not well understood. There
are also findings and theories in perception that are
highly relevant to interpreting findings using different
stimulus dimensions (e.g., the work of Wendell
Garner), but that are not widely integrated into modern
studies of child development. More generally, these
studies may hold the key to addressing ongoing debates
between theory- and similarity-based approaches to
understanding conceptual development.</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>Acknowledgements</title>
      <p>We thank the staff, children, and parents at Keneseth
Israel Preschool, Newburg Kindercare, and St. Paul
School in Louisville, KY for their support. Thank you
to Emma Groskind, Jacob Messmer, Kristain Pile,
Kayla Renner, and Gretchen Santana for their
assistance.</p>
    </sec>
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