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  <front>
    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Work- and Job-related Stress, Emotions, and Performance in Critical Situations An interdisciplinary study in the context of airport security</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Chiara Bassetti</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Roberta Ferrario</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Cinzia Giorgetta (chiara.bassetti</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>roberta.ferrario</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>cinzia.giorgetta@loa.istc.cnr.it)</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>Institute of Cognitive Sciences and Technologies - CNR, Laboratory for Applied Ontology via alla Cascata 56 C</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>38123 Trento</addr-line>
          ,
          <country country="IT">Italy</country>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <fpage>435</fpage>
      <lpage>440</lpage>
      <abstract>
        <p>In this paper we present an interdisciplinary approach to inquire the effects of stress in job environments, which integrates a cognitive psychology experiment and an ethnographic study, both conducted with the security guards of an International airport.</p>
      </abstract>
      <kwd-group>
        <kwd>airport security</kwd>
        <kwd>decision-making</kwd>
        <kwd>ethnography</kwd>
        <kwd>emotion management</kwd>
        <kwd>work-related stress</kwd>
        <kwd>job-related stress</kwd>
        <kwd>work engagement</kwd>
      </kwd-group>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>Introduction</title>
      <p>The studies and reflections presented in this article are part
of the work conducted within the project VisCoSo1. It is an
interdisciplinary project, involving members with
heterogeneous expertise. Its case study is an International
airport, with a focus on specific areas where risk and
emergency concerns are particularly present: security and
surveillance. In this paper we will concentrate on the work
carried out, using different disciplinary approaches, with the
personnel in charge of security checkpoints, namely private
security guards (about 90 in total). Employees of a private
security firm, after specific training they serve as “public
officers” in the context of airport security, under the
supervision of the Police.</p>
      <p>
        From April 2013 to May 2014, an ethnographer has
conducted 380 hours of participant observation (e.g. Agar,
1996), distributed over different seasons, weekdays and time
slots. After that, from July 2014 until March 2015, she has
conducted audio-recorded qualitative interviews (38) with
some of the guards and the policemen. The ethnography has
produced more than 1000 pages of fieldnotes and 700 ca.
pages of interview transcriptions. On the other hand, in
2014, also a cognitive psychology experiment, aimed at
studying the correlation between situated stress and risky
attitude in professionals working in a complex and
safetycritical environment, has been conducted over 36 security
guards. The analytical outcomes resulting from the
application of these two approaches will constitute the basis
upon which an ontological model of the airport and a more
general one of socio-material systems will be built, which is
the final goal of the VisCoSo project
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">(Bassetti et al. 2015)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>In this paper we will analyse the relationship between
1 Detection of crisis in socio-material systems via
VISualCOgnitive-SOcial processes. www.loa.istc.cnr.it/projects/viscoso/</p>
      <p>stress and emotions, on one side, and performance, on the
other, in a specific professional setting, that of airport
security, looking at it from two different perspectives: the
one of cognitive psychology and that of ethnographic
studies. We will show the primary results of the two
approaches, but we will also show how very interesting
insights and future directions for research can emerge from
the encounter of the two.</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>The experiment: stress and decision-making</title>
      <p>
        In this section we illustrate the experiment. Stress is the
cognitive perception that a situation is uncontrollable and
unpredictable and elicits psychological, physiological and
behavioural reactions
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref7">(e.g., Dickerson &amp; Kemeny, 2004)</xref>
        .
Several individual factors may help individuals to cope with
stress, such as social support, self-efficacy, and coping style
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref21 ref3">(Taylor &amp; Stanton, 2007; Bakker &amp; Leiter, 2010)</xref>
        . Since
decision-making is the ability to select the most adaptive
course of action for the organism among all possible
alternatives
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">(Bechara et al., 2000)</xref>
        , decision-making may
represent one of the coping resources available for the
stressful situation. On the other side,
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">Janis and Mann (1977)</xref>
        claimed that high stress levels can lead to make a decision
before all options have been taken into account and their
possible outcome estimated (premature closure) – this is
riskier behaviour. Only recently researchers have started to
study the interaction between decision-making and stress
with different, and sometimes contrasting, results. However,
no studies have investigated how stress affects risky
decision-making in individuals that are frequently exposed
to stressful situations. Therefore, within a specific
professional setting, i.e., airport security, our experiment
aims at investigating risky behaviour when facing stressful
situations as compared with non stressful ones.
      </p>
      <sec id="sec-2-1">
        <title>Method and Experimental Procedures</title>
        <p>
          Participants. The experiment has involved 36 participants,
recruited from the International airport that has been chosen
as case study for the project. They are employed with the
role of security guards. They have been randomly assigned
to one of the two experimental conditions: stressful vs.
relaxed situations (exposure to a video). The two groups
were matched (p=N.S. for all the comparisons) for
demographic and personality characteristics (see Table 1 for
details). All participants provided written informed consent.
Personality Assessment. At the beginning of the study
participants have been asked to answer questionnaires
investigating the degree to which people perceive their life
as stressful
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6">(by using the Perceived Stress Scale – PSS;
Cohen et al., 1988)</xref>
          and negative emotional status (Negative
Affective scale – PANAS; Watson et al., 1999). PANAS has
again been administered after the video presentation, in
order to check whether and how it affected participants’
emotion. At the end of the task the impulsiveness traits
questionnaire
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">(Barratt Impulsiveness Scale – BIS11; Patton
et al., 1995)</xref>
          was administered to make sure that differences
in impulsiveness did not affect participants’ risky choices.
Video presentation. Before participants performed the
experimental task they watched a video (about 3 min). The
videos were chosen after an assessment of typical situations
lived by guards at the airport. In one condition (Relaxed
Situation; RS), the video represented a very relaxing
situation in an airport hall. In the other condition (Stressful
Situation; SS), participants were instead presented with a
video showing passengers posing several problems. The
level of emotional involvement with the video was also
measured (see Table 1) in both conditions, on a 9-points
scale, ranging from 1 (not at all) to 9 (definitely yes).
Task. We have used a gambling task, similar to a previous
one
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">(Giorgetta et al., 2012)</xref>
          , in which participants had to
choose between a safer and a riskier option. Participants sat
comfortably in front of a computer to perform the task. On
each trial of the experiment, participants first were asked to
look at a fixation point, which lasted for 500 msec, and then
were presented with two gambles displayed on either side of
the screen. Participants were asked to choose one of these
options. In one of the choices they could win more but also
lose more (riskier option), whereas in the other they could
win less but also lose less (safer option). For both gambles,
the probability of winning and losing was the same (p=0.5).
The pair of gambles remained on the screen until the
2 Data report average and, in brackets, standard deviation.
participant selected one of them by pressing the
corresponding button. After their response a fixation point
was again presented for 500 msec.; the chosen gamble was
then presented in the centre of the screen. In case of win the
arrow stopped on the white side of the gamble and a label
“You win!” appeared; in case of loss the arrow stopped on
the grey side and a label “You lose!” appeared. After this,
participants were asked to answer both an “Emotional”
(How do you feel about the outcome?) and a “Choice”
(Would you like to change your choice?) ratings on a
9point scale, ranging from 1 (happy/definitely yes) to 9
(sad/not at all). The outcome of each trial was determined
pseudorandomly, with the overall constraint that each
participant experienced an equal number of wins and losses.
The number of small or large outcomes depended on the
participants’ safe or risky choices and thus was not
controlled. Participants were instructed to earn as many
points as possible. To enhance participants’ motivation at
the task, they were told they would be monetarily
compensated depending on the outcomes of their choices in
10 trials (out of 32), randomly selected by the computer at
the end of the experiment. For ethical reasons, all
participants received the same compensation (5€). There
were 32 trials in total, divided into 2 equal blocks. Stimulus
presentation and data acquisition have been controlled using
the E-prime software package (PST, Inc., Pittsburgh, PA),
running on a Windows computer. Instructions were
presented in written form and the entire experiment lasted
about 40 minutes.
        </p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-2-2">
        <title>Results</title>
        <p>
          Emotional Assessment. Data have been analysed by
independent-samples T-test, where the responses to the
questionnaires were used as dependent variables and the two
groups as the grouping variable. The two groups of
participants did not show significant differences either on
their perceived stress (PSS) [t(39)=.41, p=.68] or on their
impulsivity (BIS11) [p&gt;.1], or in the negative affective scale
(PANAS) [t(34)=.08, p=.93]. Therefore, any difference in
the performance at the task between the two groups can be
ascribed to the video presentation. Notably, the means
recorded in the PSS, for both groups, were above that of
Caucasian population
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6">(M=12.8; Cohen et al., 1988)</xref>
          In order
to check for the effect of the experimental conditions we
used, we performed within each group a T-test on the
Negative Affective scale of the PANAS, administered pre
and post the video presentation. Findings showed that only
participants in RS reduced their negative affectivity after the
video presentation [t(1, 18)=2.9, p&lt;.01], whereas
participants in SS did not [t(1, 18)=1.8, p=.1]. The
emotional involvement with the video between the two
experimental conditions do not differ [t(34)=1.36, p=.2]. See
Table 1 for details.
        </p>
        <p>
          Decision under risk. In order to assess whether there was a
shift in risk-taking behaviour between the two groups due to
the experimental condition (relaxed vs. stressful situation),
leading to burnout
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">(e.g., Hakanen &amp; Roodt, 2010)</xref>
          . We
regard challenging demands as WS-producing factors, and
hindrance ones as JS-producing. See, for instance, the
following interview excerpt.
        </p>
        <p>There are times at which you do nothing, and times at which you
process 20 flights in one hour. And you wear yourself out with
stress 'cause the structure is lacking. [Xavier, 10 /10/14]
The problem is not the line or the crowded moment (WS), it
is the lack of job resources (JS).</p>
        <p>
          Second, it is important to highlight the crucial role of
emotions and emotion management. Psychological studies
found positive emotions mediating work engagement, and
negative ones associated with burnout and hindrance job
demands
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref20">(e.g., Sweetman &amp; Luthans, 2010)</xref>
          . From a
sociological point of view, a distinction should be drawn
between “emotional labour” and “emotion work”
(Hochshild, 1983), where the former concerns displayed
emotions and the latter felt ones, with the consequent
possibility of emotional dissonance
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">(a stressor in itself – cf.
e.g., Hakanen et al., 2005)</xref>
          .
        </p>
        <p>Turning to the empirical context at hand, ethnographic
research found security guards' work environment as
sensorially distressing; characterized by overtimes, low
wages, and diffused job insecurity, as well as by
contradictory pressures, high responsibility (both legal and
felt), and elevated work control.</p>
        <p>It's tough for the tension, for the management you must– I mean,
you have one thousand control procedures, it's not that you say
“It’s like working as a bar-tender, I make coffee, I greet Tony, I
wash”. And we're controlled for everything. [Joan, 11/05/14]
Furthermore, guards have to deal with passengers’
resistance to control procedures, and this means engaging in
emotional labour and refraining oneself from answering in
kind to resisting and/or rude (“unruly”) passengers.</p>
        <p>
          Pressure, responsibility, control and related emotion
management, alongside interaction with passengers, make
airport security a deeply emotionally-charged context —not
only for passengers
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16">(e.g., Redden, 2012)</xref>
          , but also for
security operators. The cognitive and the emotive
dimensions are deeply intertwined, and impact work
engagement and performance, entangled as they are.
        </p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-2-3">
        <title>Contradictory pressures, control, responsibility and (lack of) autonomy</title>
        <p>
          On the one hand, guards should be accurate and thorough in
controlling passengers and their belongings but, at the same
time, they should provide a nice, possibly brief experience
for airport customers. A first contradiction, therefore, has to
do with (public) security’s vs. (private) profit’s logics and
ends. Salter (2007: 61) talks of detection vs. flow.
“They tell you: ‘There’s the line, go on!’ What does it mean go
on?!!”, Leonard rhetorically asks me. Pressure for avoiding line
formation, he explains, starts from airport management and
descends towards private security managers, shift-chiefs,
supervisors, until screening guards. [fieldnotes, 05/15/13]
Another contradiction has to do with the role of
passengers per se. Until further proof, they are citizens to be
protected, customers to satisfy, but they can also be potential
threats to the system. And what does constitute such proofs?
Here issues of discretion, autonomy and expertise are
pivotal
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref17 ref18">(cf. also Salter 2007, 2008)</xref>
          .
        </p>
        <p>
          Olive describes the job as subject to much pressure […] and
endowed with very little autonomy. Personal initiative, and the
consequent use the guard may make of her/his experience,
competence and expertise, are discouraged, she explains. [...] If
somebody makes something click in me, maybe he has an
attitude- I don’t know, that I see something, I notice something, I
cannot anyway decide to manually search him. [...] She says that
the same goes for patting: [a middle manager] wants us to pat in
only one and the same way. He wants little soldiers, only the
procedure counts. On the contrary, we should pat as we think
it’s better, for using one’s experience and for feeling at ease in
performing a task which, anyway, is embarrassing. [...] “This is
certainly not the way to work well!”, she repeats several times,
and adds that the [middle manager] even writes you a note if he
sees you’re patting in a different way. [fieldnotes, 05/04/13]3
Such a control is heavily felt, and –even for those most
engaged with their work
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref19">(trait engagement, cf. Sonnentag et
al., 2010)</xref>
          – this is aggravated by several conditions, such as
usually long work shifts and mandatory overtimes4.
        </p>
        <p>Like I've always said, I like the job. The only thing are the hours
[...] the shifts, they're the only thing that make us feel bad
sometimes. [Lucretia, 10/07/14]
“I like the job, but the wage is low and, especially, there’s much
pressure —and for even 11 or 12 hours per day!” [...] she
explains pressure means responsibility, but also and especially
(a) control by managers and (b) mandatory overtimes: “honestly,
at the tenth hour, I make everything pass, I don’t give a shit
anymore! After 10 hours that you repeat the same sentences, that
you press this button...”. [fieldnotes, 05/28/13]
A further job-related stressor consists in sanctions like the
notes mentioned by Olive, or “contestation letters”:
The guards, Peter says, are too much controlled, and receive
contestation letters for whatever. He adds that any trust by the
employer is missing, and this doesn’t help. [fieldnotes. 10/23/13]
Such letters, which have actual impact on guards’ earnings
and career, may be sent by the employer for various reasons,
among which “unkindness” towards passengers.
(Unruly) Passengers and emotion management
The contradiction between detection and flow, security
culture and consumer/customer one, comes in plain sight in
presence of the so-called “unruly” passengers: i.e.,
passengers who are unwilling to be checked, who do not
collaborate and/or protest, who are rude and variously
offend or insult guards. Most of “unruly behaviours” can be
seen as practices of resistance on the part of the passengers.
Records range from nonverbal conduct:</p>
        <p>He was grumbling with his nose; he had printed on his face and
bodily posture an air of superiority with respect to everything
around him; he was parading —I would dare saying— boredom,
3 In fieldnotes excerpts, direct speech between inverted commas
and indirect speech in italics.</p>
        <p>4 They are mandatory since the airport security service is
normatively framed as a public service (like police work).
annoyance and contempt for the procedures people around him
were engaged in. [fieldnotes, 04/24/13]</p>
        <sec id="sec-2-3-1">
          <title>To the passive-aggressive passenger:</title>
          <p>Besides me an elderly heterosexual couple quarrels while
packing after the security check. A hostess who is waiting for
conducting them to the gate (they are the last passengers of their
flight to embark), solicits them. The man swiftly replies: “Tell
that to the Custom, here!”, and points with his chin towards the
security guards behind him. [fieldnotes, 05/09/13]</p>
        </sec>
        <sec id="sec-2-3-2">
          <title>To the various fans of communicative triangulation:</title>
          <p>A woman says loudly to her husband, in Italian, with disgusted
voice: “In Moldavia there’s no such thing, only in Italy!”.
[fieldnotes, 05/09/13]
While passing through, passengers of a private flight complain
about, and make fun of security control: e.g., “Then one should
pass naked.” “Eh, we’re close.” [fieldnotes, 07/16/13]
To rude, coarse, offensive passenger:</p>
          <p>The man refuses [to undergo a procedure] and pretends he
knows the norm and the guard is wrong. The guard stays calm
and eventually succeeds in having the man doing what she
asked. At the end of that, he asks with ironic and paternalistic
tone: “That’s okay?”. “That’s okay, thank you. Next time
remember to separate liquids”, she answers in a robot-like
manner. “Next time I will bring you the regulation!” he replies
raising his voice while walking away. [fieldnotes, 07/06/2013]
Alan has to trash the 150 ml. bottle of perfume of a British
passenger who [...] merely replies with a “Fuck off” in his
mother tongue. [fieldnotes, 08/01/13]</p>
          <p>In front of all these behaviours, security operators feel
unprotected: “We’re nobody, therefore we must suffer in
silence the rudeness of some passengers”. The only chance
is learning to manage one's emotions.</p>
          <p>It happens also to those who are kind: you find the passenger
who insults and offends you […] You try to act as if nothing has
happened, you let it go, even if maybe you feel bad, I mean, at
the beginning I felt bad when they... Then you must grin and
bear it, though. [Leon, 07/31/14]</p>
          <p>Finally, it is worth noticing that issues of felt
responsibility and connected emotion work are pivotal not
only with regard to threat detection, but also with respect to
passenger-guard interaction and related decision-making.</p>
          <p>If there's an aspirin, and I see there's an old lady, then the
question is: Do you let her pass with the aspirin or do you act
“rigidly”? So, maybe you let her bring it after asking some
questions, having understood if and why she deems important to
carry the aspirin with her, and maybe you also make her taste it.
There, in making such decisions, the emotional aspect becomes
heavier, precisely in taking such judgement calls. And maybe
there are colleagues who slavishly follow norms, but I prefer to
judge case by case, because, I mean, I definitely have to manage
this emotional aspect of... humanity. Maybe the passenger is
going to a funeral, maybe she has never flown out, she is
scared... [Lucretia 10/07/14]</p>
        </sec>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>Conclusions: Comparing the two approaches</title>
      <p>
        What we have defined as WS in the previous section pretty
much equals what has been defined situated stress in the
experiment. As for JS, the latter was not designed to
distinguish job-related vs. extra-job stress. Further research
is needed to clearly assess the import of the two. However,
since ethnographic research was conducted with the very
same subjects of the experiment, we can reasonably say that,
for most of them, non-situated stress stems from job-related
aspects (even when there are personal stressors, their effect
is exacerbated by the interaction with job-related factors).
With this is mind, we analysed data on Perceived Stress
Scale of each participant and divided them in two further
groups: those with the average on PSS above (high stress,
HJS) and below (low stress; LJS) the mean of Caucasian
population
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6">(Cohen, 1988; M=12.8 and SD=6.2)</xref>
        . Thus, we
analysed again data of the experiment by taking into
consideration 4 different groups divided by the two
conditions: WS (RS vs. SS) X JS (HJS vs. LJS) (Table 2).
Findings allowed us to develop some interesting insights.
      </p>
      <p>First, independently from the WS conditions, participants
in HJS showed higher scores to the PANAS, both pre and
post the video presentation. Between the two, those in RS
(condition B) seem to reduce more their negative emotions
(PANAS) after the video presentation. Also, HJS appears to
be related to other variables such as sex, age and work
experience (more females, lesser age and work experience).</p>
      <p>Second, the amount of risky choices –that we may
consider an issue in the context of security– is higher with
HJS (conditions A, B), when, moreover, the time of choice
is shorter; instead, risky choices are at the lowest and
decision time is longer when there is WS but not JS
(condition C). Thus, there seems to be a positive effect of
WS –intended as situated, critical-situation-grounded
stress– on work performance –intended as considered
choices– that vanishes, however, when JS is present too. In
this case, and WS comes into play, decisions are made with
the typical “rush” of the unexperienced who faces critical
situations: in highly risky and less pondered ways.</p>
      <p>Third, as for emotional response with respect to choice
outcome –whose effects we can fairly assume on learning as
well as future choice behaviour–, we see once more the
negative effect of JS, especially in critical situations:
condition A presents the highest level of task detachment
(possibly extendable to work disengagement, further
research needed), whereas condition C shows the highest
level of task involvement. In the latter case, indeed, positive
vs. negative outcomes produce clearly distinct positive vs.
negative emotions accordingly, with higher happiness for
wins if the choice was risky (I've guessed right) rather than
safe (It went as expected), and lesser sadness after losses if
it was safe (I've done my part anyway) instead of risky (I'm
guilty). On the contrary, when WS adds to already existing
JS, outcomes produce the least degree of emotions, no
matter the choice riskiness; the distance between after-win
vs. after-loss emotional status is the least in this condition.
Unfortunately, we were not able to perform statistical
analyses on these data, given the unbalanced and reduced
number of participants in each group. However, we believe
these preliminary insights open an interesting research
avenue thanks to the interdisciplinary integration of
experimental data and ethnographic analysis. Further studies
should distinguish job-related from extra-job stress, better
control for the four conditions, enlarge the sample, compare
work settings to improve generalizability, and consider work
performance also beyond decision-making.</p>
      <p>In summary, this study highlighted the interaction
between stress and risky decision-making in individuals
trained to face stress in their daily work, and importantly, it
suggested promising new avenues of research on the
interaction between different kinds of stress and decisional
processes. For instance, even when people are trained to
face WS, when JS is also present, it can encumber their
preparedness to react. This is an aspect that should be taken
into serious consideration by policy makers.</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>Funding Acknowledgments</title>
      <p>Authors are supported by the VisCoSo project grant
(Autonomous Province of Trento, “Team 2011” scheme).</p>
    </sec>
  </body>
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