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<article xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink">
  <front>
    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Uncertain Conditionals and Counterfactuals in (Non-)Causal Settings</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>Munich Center for Mathematical Philosophy Ludwig-Maximilians-Universita ̈t Mu ̈ nchen Geschwister-Scholl-Platz 1</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>D-80539 Mu ̈ nchen</addr-line>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff1">
          <label>1</label>
          <institution>Niki Pfeifer</institution>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <fpage>651</fpage>
      <lpage>656</lpage>
      <abstract>
        <p>Conditionals are basic for human reasoning. In our paper, we present two experiments, which for the first time systematically compare how people reason about indicative conditionals (Experiment 1) and counterfactual conditionals (Experiment 2) in causal and non-causal task settings (N = 80). The main result of both experiments is that conditional probability is the dominant response pattern and thus a key ingredient for modeling causal, indicative, and counterfactual conditionals. In the paper, we will give an overview of the main experimental results and discuss their relevance for understanding how people reason about conditionals.</p>
      </abstract>
      <kwd-group>
        <kwd>Causality</kwd>
        <kwd>Conditionals</kwd>
        <kwd>Conditional Probability</kwd>
        <kwd>Counterfactuals</kwd>
        <kwd>Reasoning</kwd>
        <kwd>Uncertainty</kwd>
      </kwd-group>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>Introduction</title>
      <p>
        Classical logic used to be the dominating rationality
framework for psychological reasoning research in the
20th century. To deal with the defeasibility and
uncertainty of everyday life inference, probabilistic
rationality norms have gained popularity
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1 ref12 ref15 ref16 ref3 ref6">(e.g., Baratgin, Over,
&amp; Politzer, 2014; Elqayam &amp; Over, 2012; Evans &amp; Over,
2004; Oaksford &amp; Chater, 2009; Pfeifer, 2013; Pfeifer &amp;
Douven, 2014)</xref>
        . This development has influenced how
the quality of human inference has been evaluated.
Correspondence between human inference about
indicative conditionals and the semantics of the conditional
event,1 for example, is nowadays regarded by most
psychologists of reasoning as rational, whereas the
semantics of the material conditional2 was regarded as the
normative gold standard in the last century. For this
reason, the majority of human responses in truth
table tasks was labeled defective truth table, whereas it is
broadly regarded as rational today, since this response
is not defective. Rather, it corresponds to the de Finetti
table (i.e., the truth table of the conditional event).
      </p>
      <p>Conditionals and reasoning about conditionals are
basic for human reasoning. Among other things,
conditionals can not only express abstract relationships but
1The conditional event CjA (“C given A”) is true if A ^ C
(“A and C”) is true, false if A ^ :C (“A and not-C”) is true, and
void if :A is true.</p>
      <p>
        2The material conditional A C (“A implies C”, i.e.,
“not A or C”) is false if A ^ :C is true, but true otherwise.
allow also for representing causal information: If some
cause (e.g., taking aspirin) is present, then an effect
occurs (alleviates headache). Such causal conditionals are
closely related with counterfactuals. When people think
about whether taking aspirin and headache are causally
related, they ask whether the corresponding
counterfactual “If aspirin were taken, headache would be
alleviated” holds. Thus, understanding how people reason
about causal and counterfactual conditionals is crucial
for understanding causal cognition. Compared to the
vast psychological literature on indicative conditionals
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6">(for an overview see, e.g., Evans &amp; Over, 2004)</xref>
        ,
studies on adult reasoning about counterfactuals are
surprisingly rare. Within the probabilistic truth table task
paradigm, counterfactuals were investigated only by
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">Over et al. (2007)</xref>
        . In our paper, we present two
experiments, which for the first time systematically compare
how adults reason about indicative conditionals
(Experiment 1) and counterfactual conditionals (Experiment 2)
in causal and non-causal probabilistic truth table task
settings.
      </p>
      <p>Both experiments are designed to investigate the
following key questions: Are there any differences in the
probabilistic interpretations of conditionals, comparing
indicative and counterfactual conditionals in causal and
non-causal settings? How do people draw inferences
from argument forms involving counterfactuals?</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>Experiment 1: Indicative Conditionals</title>
      <p>Participants Forty students of Protestant Theology
at Augustana-Hochschule Neuendettelsau (Germany)
were assigned equally to a non-causal and a causal
conditional task set. Participants were payed 10¤.
Task Materials The materials were adapted from
the probabilistic truth table tasks used in Fugard,
Pfeifer, Mayerhofer, and Kleiter (2011). Materials were
presented in two pen and paper task sets. In each task,
a short cover story introduced the domain of the task.
For the non-causal conditions, we used pictures of
six-sided dice with black or white geometric figures.
The target sentences had the form “If the side shows
white, then the side shows a triangle.” For the causal
condition, we used stylized pictures of six medical data
sheets detailing the (purely fictional) name of a drug
and the medication’s effect on a patient’s symptoms.
Target sentences had the form “If a patient takes
Ambutal, then the symptoms diminish.” Participants were
asked how sure they could be that the target sentence
holds. They responded by ticking boxes in a “x out
of y” format. Also, participants gave a rating for their
confidence in the correctness of their response for each
task, which we gathered to check for possible changes
in confidence accompanying shifts of interpretation of
the conditional. The target sentence was formulated in
the indicative “If A, then C”-form for the first 19 tasks.
Task 20 and 21 formulated a disjunction of the negated
antecedent (:A) and consequent (C) of a corresponding
(and logically equivalent) material conditional (A C).
Procedure Each participant was tested individually.
After the pen and paper tasks, we collected qualitative
data on how they interpreted the conditionals and the
respective role of cause and effect by a structured
interview.</p>
      <p>Results After performing Holm-Bonferroni
corrections for multiple significance tests, the probability
response patterns of the first 19 tasks did not differ
significantly between both groups. Participants in both
groups predominantly chose the Conditional Event
interpretation (see Figure 1 for details). The
probability responses according to the three main
interpretations of the conditional for tasks 1-19 (the tasks with
“If A, then C” target sentences) were distributed as
follows: In the non-causal group (n1 = 20), out of 380
responses, 81% were Conditional Event responses, 15%
were Conjunction responses, 1% were Material
Conditional responses, and 4% were “other” responses. In the
causal group (n2 = 20), 95% were Conditional Event
responses, 1% were Conjunction responses, 1% were
Material Conditional responses, and 3% were other
responses. Across both groups, 35 participants responded
by the Conditional Event in at least 78% of the tasks.</p>
      <p>We observed statistically significant differences
between the non-causal and the causal group with regard
to the probability responses for the pooled data from
tasks 20 and 21 (the tasks with disjunctions as target
sentences), as determined by Fisher’s Exact test (p =
.04). In the non-causal group, 15% of responses were
consistent with the Conditional Event response, 48%
of responses were consistent with the Material
Conditional responses, and 38% were other responses. In the
causal group, 38% of responses were consistent with
the Conditional Event response, 25% of responses were
consistent with the Material Conditional responses, and
38% were other responses.</p>
      <p>In total, eight participants shifted their interpretation
Non−causal group
Causal group
1
3
5
7
9
to the Conditional Event within the first 19 tasks and
38% of participants reported higher confidence values
within the three tasks after the shift.</p>
      <p>In the structured interview at the end of the
experiment, participants’ responses confirmed the results
reported above. Thirty-six participants explained their
solution by appeal to features of reasoning with the
Conditional Event interpretation, such as only
counting the objects mentioned in the antecedent of the
target sentence and then using this as the relevant set
from which to count the objects that fit the consequent.
When participants were asked to construct a
consistent premise set based on a given degree of belief in a
conclusion, 27 participants gave a set that corresponds
unequivocally to the Conditional Event interpretation.
Eleven participants produced sets that could fit either
the Conjunction or the Conditional Event
interpretation. Only one participant gave a set that corresponds
unequivocally to the Conjunction interpretation.</p>
      <p>75% of participants in the causal group judged the
“symptoms diminish” target sentence to be an
example of a relation of cause and effect, compared to 50% of
participants for the “no influence” target sentence. By
comparison, only 30% of participants in the non-causal
group judged the “dice” target sentences to be
examples of a relation of cause and effect. This validates the
assumption that the medical task material triggered
primarily causal reasoning whereas the dice task material
did not do so.</p>
      <p>Discussion The findings clearly show that the
Conditional Event interpretation was the dominant response
across both groups. Furthermore, participants in the
causal group more frequently mentioned “cause” and
“effect” in the interview, while the non-causal group
did not do so: This can be interpreted as an indicator
for causal reasoning in the causal group.</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>Experiment 2: Counterfactual Conditionals</title>
      <p>Participants Forty students of Protestant Theology
at Augustana-Hochschule Neuendettelsau (Germany)
were assigned equally to a non-causal and a causal
conditional task set. Participants were paid 15¤ for their
time. We ensured that no participant of Experiment 1
took part in Experiment 2.</p>
      <p>Task Materials We used the same materials as in
Experiment 1, with the difference that the target
conditionals were replaced by corresponding counterfactual
conditionals, such as “If the patient were to take
Raverat, then it would have no influence on the symptoms”
(“Wenn der Patient Raverat nehmen w u¨rde, dann ha¨tte es
keinen Einfluss auf die Symptome”). To clearly mark the
target sentences as counterfactual, we added
information about a factual case to each task’s cover story.
The factual cases diverged from the content of the
antecedent of the target sentence, e.g. the factual case
would state that the side of the die that faces up shows
a triangle, and the antecedent would state “If the side
were to show a circle.”</p>
      <p>
        In addition, we investigated ten tasks involving
uncertain argument forms, which—to our knowledge—
have not been investigated experimentally with
counterfactual conditionals yet. We designed the tasks to
investigate inference schemes which are valid/invalid in
standard systems of counterfactuals
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">(e.g., Lewis, 1973)</xref>
        .
The cover story involved the production of toy
building blocks in different shapes, colours, and materials.
In the Modus Tollens case, an inspector just got a closed
box with a toy block in it (i.e., the factual case) and now
considers two beliefs (i.e., the premises). She is quite
sure that: (A) If the toy block were green, then the toy
block would be a cylinder, and she is quite sure that
(B) the toy block is not a cylinder. Participants are then
asked to judge how sure she can be, based on these
two sentences, that the conclusion, (C) the toy block
is not green, holds. Participants could respond by
either judging that she cannot or that she can conclude
(C) based on (A) and (B) (i.e., is the argument
probabilistically non-informative or is it informative?). In the
latter case, participants additionally gave a response
regarding whether she can be quite sure that the sentence
(C) holds or whether (C) doesn’t hold (i.e., is the degree
of belief in the conclusion high or low?).
      </p>
      <p>Procedure The procedure was identical to
Experiment 1, except for the addition of argument form tasks,
which we handed out as a final pen and paper task
booklet. Table 1 lists the investigated argument forms.
We also added two questions to the structured
interview, to get an insight into the reasoning process during
the uncertain argument form tasks.</p>
      <p>Results As in Experiment 1, participants in both
groups predominantly chose the Conditional Event
interpretation (see Figure 2 for details). Also the
probability response patterns of the first 19 tasks did
not differ significantly between both groups. The
probability responses according to the three main
interpretations of the conditional for tasks 1-19 (the
tasks with counterfactuals as target sentences) were
distributed as follows: In the non-causal group (n3 = 20),
out of 380 responses, 77% were Conditional Event
responses, 13% were Conjunction responses, 1% were
Material Conditional responses, and 9% were other
responses. In the causal group (n4 = 20), 84% were
Conditional Event responses, 8% were Conjunction
responses, 2% were Material Conditional responses,
and 6% were other responses. Across both groups
(n3 + n4 = 40), 30 participants gave the Conditional
Event response for more than 78% of the tasks.</p>
      <p>The differences between the non-causal and the
causal group with regard to the probability responses
for tasks 20 and 21 (the tasks with “not-A or C” as
target sentences) approach significance when the data for
task 20 and 21 is pooled for each group (Fisher’s
Exact test: p = .07). In the non-causal group, 13% of
responses were consistent with the Conditional Event
response, 35% of responses were consistent with the
Material Conditional responses, 10% were consistent
with the Conjunction response, and 43% were other
responses. In the causal group, 35% of responses were
consistent with the Conditional Event response, 18%
of responses were consistent with the Material
Conditional responses, 5% were consistent with the
Conjunction response, and 43% were other responses.</p>
      <p>The number of shifts of interpretation was similar
to Experiment 1. Within the first 19 tasks, 13
participants shifted towards the Conditional Event
interpretation and 38% reported higher confidence values within
the three tasks after the shift.</p>
      <p>In the interview at the end of the experiment, 30
participants explained their solution by appeal to a feature
of the Conditional Event interpretation, such as
restricting the set of relevant stimuli to those mentioned in the
antecedent. Moreover, when participants were asked to
construct a consistent premise set based on a given
degree of belief in a counterfactual, 26 participants gave
a set that corresponds unequivocally to the Conditional
Event interpretation.</p>
      <p>
        Like in Experiment 1, we observed that 80% of
participants in the causal group judged the symptoms
diminish target sentence to be an example of a relation
of cause and effect, compared to 60% of participants
for the no influence target sentence. By comparison,
only 15% of participants in the non-causal group judged
the dice target sentences to be examples of a relation of
cause and effect.
large majority of participants who did not assign a low
degree of belief in the conclusion of the Negated Modus
Ponens (NMP). Also the frequency of true responses
to Cut was lower than expected. While—under the
conditional event interpretation—NMP is
probabilistically informative (i.e., here, the coherent conclusion
probability is low), Contraposition (CP), Hypothetical
Syllogism (HS), and Premise Strengthening (PS) are
probabilistically non-informative (any conclusion
probability in the unit interval [0, 1] is coherent; see
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref17">Pfeifer and Kleiter (2006</xref>
        , 2009)). CP, HS, NMP and PS
are also invalid in standard systems of counterfactual
conditionals
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">(e.g., Lewis, 1973)</xref>
        . Pooling the false and
void responses gives an indicator for the participant’s
evaluation of the validity of the respective argument
form. With the exception of Cut, HS, and PS, the
response patterns are also consistent with systems
of counterfactual conditionals. Moreover, the clear
majority of responses to Negated Reflexivity (NR) and
both versions of Aristotle’s Thesis are consistent with
the Conditional Event interpretation
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14">(Pfeifer, 2012)</xref>
        and
counterfactuals.
      </p>
      <p>Discussion As in Experiment 1, the findings clearly
show that the Conditional Event interpretation was
the dominant response across both groups. Moreover,
more participants in the causal group associated the
antecedent and the consequent with cause and effect,
respectively, than in the non-causal group. In the
uncertain argument form tasks, the majority of responses
were consistent with conditional probability and with
counterfactuals.</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>General Discussion</title>
      <sec id="sec-4-1">
        <title>Interpretations of the Conditional Our findings of</title>
        <p>fer a negative reply to our first main question, whether
there are any differences in the probabilistic
interpretations of indicative and counterfactual conditionals in
causal and non-causal settings: In all four conditions,
the Conditional Event was the dominant response type.</p>
        <p>One main difference between the results of
Experiment 1 and Experiment 2 is that the counterfactual
conditional tasks in the latter were arguably more difficult
for the participants. Moreover, participants in
Experiment 1 reported higher confidence in the correctness
of their responses across the task set of tasks 1-19 (on
a scale from -6 to +6, M = 4.04, SD = 2.06) than in
Experiment 2 (M = 2.50, SD = 2.47). The reason for the
higher difficulty of the counterfactual tasks could stem
from the counterfactual conditionals themselves—the
surface grammar is more complex than in indicative
conditionals and this might be reflected in the
reasoning process. Likewise, participants had to evaluate the
relevance of the stated factual case (which contradicts
the counterfactual antecedent). Across both task types
T</p>
        <p>
          Since there are no statistically significant
differences between the groups, we pooled the data for the
uncertain argument form tasks. The majority of the
responses to the uncertain argument forms involving
counterfactuals is consistent with indicative versions
of these argument forms observed in the literature
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14 ref20">(Pfeifer, 2012; Pfeifer &amp; Kleiter, 2010)</xref>
          —see Table 1 for
detailed results. An exception to this agreement is the
in Experiment 2, 73% of participants (65% in the
noncausal group and 80% in the causal group) commented
upon the factual case during the experiment or in the
interview. In their comments, 43% of participants judged
the factual case to be irrelevant for solving the task (25%
in the non-causal group, 18% in the causal group).
        </p>
        <p>
          Our results vindicate the notion that de Finetti tables
aren’t defective truth tables, and they thus lend further
credence to the main tenets of the New Paradigm
Psychology of Reasoning
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">(cf. Pfeifer, 2013)</xref>
          . The mental
models explanation, appealing to the “implicit”
mental model of the conditional as the conjunction of
antecedent and consequent or the “explicit” model of the
conditional as the material conditional of classical logic
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">(cf. Johnson-Laird &amp; Byrne, 2002)</xref>
          , were only used by a
small part of all four groups.
        </p>
        <p>
          Furthermore, the present study contributes to the
study of shifts of interpretations of the conditional.
However, the effect was weaker than reported in
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref7">Fugard et al. (2011)</xref>
          . Since there was no time pressure
during the experiment, it is possible, albeit not
verifiable with the data at hand, that some participants
mentally shifted towards the Conditional Event while
solving task 1, considering the Conjunction interpretation
or another interpretation before choosing the
Conditional Event response. This idea is supported by the
fact that between 69% (Experiment 2) and 75%
(Experiment 1) of shifts occurred before task 4, i.e. early on in
the experiment.
        </p>
        <p>
          Causal Conditionals Although our results are in
accordance with
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">Over et al. (2007)</xref>
          , we observed higher
conditional event response frequencies. This could
be caused by differences in the experimental
material. First, their tasks elicited probabilistic judgements
regarding conditional sentences concerning possible
states of affairs using background knowledge. Second,
more crucially,
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">Over et al. (2007)</xref>
          asked participants to
assign probability ratings to the four truth table cases
(T^T, T^F, F^T, F^F) and then compared these
values to the conditional probabilities (the probability of
the consequent given the antecedent) that participants
had given in addition to the four truth table cases. As
pointed out in
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref7">Fugard et al. (2011)</xref>
          , asking for
conjunctions could elicit higher frequencies in conjunction
responses.
        </p>
        <p>
          So, while there are some methodological differences
between the present study and
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">Over et al. (2007)</xref>
          , their
results fit well with the results from our experiment:
Reasoning with causal conditionals can be best
explained by appeal to the probability of the causal
conditionals as conditional probability. Our results
regarding the similarities between reasoning with
counterfactual and indicative conditionals furthermore support
their hypothesis that “people [...] make similar
probability judgments about [...] indicative and
counterfactual conditionals, on the basis of similar psychological
processes.”
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">(Over et al., 2007, p. 83)</xref>
          We submit that this
is due to the central role of probabilistic reasoning for
conditional reasoning in all of its modes that we have
tested (counterfactual, indicative, causal).
        </p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-4-2">
        <title>Uncertain Argument Forms Our second main ques</title>
        <p>
          tion was: How do people draw inferences from
uncertain argument forms involving counterfactual
conditionals? The data from the inference tasks suggests the
following. As observed by
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14">Pfeifer (2012)</xref>
          in the context
of indicative conditionals, most participants used the
Conditional Event interpretation when reasoning with
Aristotle’s Thesis (AT 1 and AT2) and Negated
Reflexivity (NR). This new result for counterfactual conditionals
further confirms the results from the probabilistic truth
table tasks and the hypothesis that conditional
probability is fundamental for reasoning with uncertain
conditionals.
        </p>
        <p>
          The other tasks furthermore provide additional
information about inferences from conditionals in more
complex cases. One main finding is that only few
participants (3–8%) judge the—under the material
conditional interpretation—deductively valid (even though,
in several cases, probabilistically non-informative)
argument forms to be invalid. The responses to the
Negated Modus Ponens task are atypical in this regard,
also because of the high percentage of “true” and “void”
responses. By comparison, in
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref18">Pfeifer and Kleiter (2007)</xref>
          ,
the majority of participants gave coherent responses in
the Modus Ponens tasks, including Modus Ponens with
a negated conclusion. The unusual responses in the
present study could be attributed to the task’s position
in the task set: It was the first task, and the task format
was arguably unfamiliar to participants. Also,
difficulties in processing negations are a well-known
psychological phenomenon
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">(see, e.g., Evans, 1982)</xref>
          .
        </p>
        <p>
          Even the responses that prima facie don’t fit with the
Conditional Event interpretation don’t actually speak
against it, but rather highlight a pertinent pragmatic
issue in conditional reasoning. The high percentage of
participants assigning a high degree of belief to the
conclusion of the counterfactual Hypothetical Syllogism
can be explained by appeal to the following
conversational implicature: When stating A ) B as the first
premise, one sets a frame of reference for the usage of
B in the second premise B ) C—such that B ) C
actually means A^B ) C, as it is formalized in the
Cut inference schema
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref20">(see also Pfeifer &amp; Kleiter, 2010)</xref>
          .
The slight dominance of the “classical” response in
the Premise Strengthening inference can be interpreted
analogously; participants might have assumed that the
conjunction A^C wouldn’t have been introduced
without a relevant connection between A and C, such as
A ) C. This explanation also fits with the high
percentage of Conditional Event responses for the
Cautious Monotonicity (CM) task, which mirrors the results
of
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref20">Pfeifer and Kleiter (2010)</xref>
          .
        </p>
        <p>
          Furthermore, as
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref20">Pfeifer and Kleiter (2010)</xref>
          argue,
people’s interpretation of Contraposition (CP) is an
important indicator of how people interpret indicative
conditionals. As in their study, we found that the
majority (63%) of participants classified the counterfactual CP
as probabilistically non-informative. Finally, the results
for Modus Tollens (MT) fit well within the
endorsement rates in non-probabilistic indicative versions of
MT tasks
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">(see, e.g., Evans, Newstead, &amp; Byrne, 1993)</xref>
          .
        </p>
        <p>We conclude from this that the results of our present
investigation into counterfactual conditional reasoning
underline the importance of conditional probability not
only for reasoning about indicative and causal
conditionals but also for reasoning about counterfactual
conditionals.</p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-5">
      <title>Concluding remarks</title>
      <p>In both experiments and in all four experimental
conditions, the Conditional Event interpretation is the
dominant response type. This speaks for the ecological
validity of the conditional probability hypothesis and
indicates that conditional probabiltity is basic to indicative,
counterfactual, and causal conditionals.</p>
      <p>
        Finally, we note that probabilistic approaches where
conditional probability (p(CjA)) is defined by the
fraction of the joint (p(A ^ C)) and the marginal probability
(p(A)), cannot deal with zero-antecedent probabilities
(i.e., p(CjA) is undefined if p(A) = 0). However, as
pointed out by
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">Pfeifer (2013)</xref>
        , zero-antecedent
probabilities can be exploited for formalizing the factual
falsehood of the antecedents of counterfactual
conditionals. Although the coherence approach to probability
requires that the antecedent is not logically contradictory,
it allows for dealing with zero-antecedent probabilities
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2 ref8 ref9">(see, e.g., Coletti &amp; Scozzafava, 2002; Gilio &amp; Sanfilippo,
2013; Gilio, Pfeifer, &amp; Sanfilippo, 2015)</xref>
        . To exploit
zeroantecedent probabilities for formalizing counterfactuals
requires future research.
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-6">
      <title>Acknowledgements</title>
      <p>This work is financially supported by the DFG grant PF
740/2-1 (project leader: Niki Pfeifer) as part of the
Priority Programme 1516 “New Frameworks of Rationality”
and by the Alexander von Humboldt-Foundation.</p>
    </sec>
  </body>
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