<!DOCTYPE article PUBLIC "-//NLM//DTD JATS (Z39.96) Journal Archiving and Interchange DTD v1.0 20120330//EN" "JATS-archivearticle1.dtd">
<article xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink">
  <front>
    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Towards a Neurobiology of Language</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Mikkel Wallentin (mikkel@cfin.dk)</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1">1</xref>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff2">2</xref>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff3">3</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>Center of Functionally Integrative Neuroscience Aarhus University Hospital</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>Aarhus</addr-line>
          ,
          <country country="DK">Denmark</country>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff1">
          <label>1</label>
          <institution>Ferdinand Binkofski</institution>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff2">
          <label>2</label>
          <institution>Jeremy Skipper</institution>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff3">
          <label>3</label>
          <institution>Steven L. Small</institution>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <fpage>2</fpage>
      <lpage>4</lpage>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>Speakers</title>
      <p>The advent and/or improvement of high resolution brain
imaging methods over the past two decades – both spatial and
temporal – has led to the emergence of an anatomically and
physiologically robust human neuroscience. In no area has this
been more evident than in the study of human language. A
recent congress on the Neurobiology of Language attracted over
500 participants. Many – but not all – researchers in this field
take the view that language processing in the brain is
implemented by many interacting sensory, motor, and
conceptual networks that are not specific to language, but
evolved to support many critical features of human cognition,
including contextual expectation, statistical inference, sequence
processing, error detection and correction, and related
computational basics. The neural systems that underlie these
computations appear to incorporate a large number of
anteriorposterior brain connections along dorsal and ventral “streams”.
Although these streams each include many individual
connections, and contribute to many different functions, some
gross functional generalities can be articulated. In this
Symposium, we introduce the anatomy of these streams, and
then describe several models and/or cognitive functions that
support language processing in dorsal and ventral brain
networks.
The distinction between dorsal and ventral processing
streams has been elaborated substantially in recent years,
spurred by two developments: (1) First is a more detailed
description of the multiple neural circuits connecting the
frontal, temporal, and parietal cortices; and (2) Second are a
number of behavioral observations that the classic "two
visual systems" hypothesis needs refinement to
accommodate additional assumptions. The notion that there
is a single dorsal stream that is specialized for "where" or
"how" actions and a single ventral stream for "what"
knowledge cannot account for two prominent disorders of
action, limb apraxia and optic ataxia, that represent a
double dissociation in terms of the types of actions that are
preserved and impaired. A growing body of evidence
suggests that there are at least two distinct dorsal routes in
the human brain, which we characterize as the "Grasp" and
"Use" systems. Both of these may be differentiated from the
ventral route in terms of neuroanatomic localization,
representational specificity, and time course of information
processing. In this talk, we discuss the anatomy and
physiology of the dorsal and ventral streams for vision and
action, and relate them to the analogous streams for
audition, speech, and language.</p>
      <p>Neurobiological roots of language in primate
audition: Common computational properties</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>Steven L. Small</title>
      <p>Neurobiologically plausible models of human brain
function are typically based on detailed animal models.
However, while the applicability of this modeling strategy
is widely accepted for domains such as vision or audition,
its transferability to human language is considerably more
controversial. The reason for this perspective – particularly
at the level of sentences and above – relates to complex
computational properties of human grammars and their
purported specificity to our species. It is generally accepted
that human speech and language processing is supported by
a cortical dorsal-ventral streams architecture that shares
many anatomical characteristics with the extended auditory
system of nonhuman primates. A postero-dorsal stream
connects AC to the posterior and dorsal part of inferior
frontal cortex (IFC) (Brodmann area [BA] 44) via posterior
superior temporal (pST) cortex, inferior parietal lobule
(IPL), and premotor cortex (PMC, whereas an
anteroventral stream traverses anterior superior temporal cortex
(aST) to terminate in more anterior and ventral parts of the
inferior frontal gyrus (BA 45). Dual–stream models of
sentence processing typically assume that the neural
circuitry of nonhuman primates is insufficient to support
sentence comprehension because of a fundamental
difference in its computational architecture that is not
simply a matter of degree. They thus posit uniquely human
additions to this circuitry in the dorsal stream, which are
assumed to have evolved late from a phylogenetic
perspective and to mature late from an ontogenetic
perspective. In this talk, we suggest that the nonhuman
primate dorsal and ventral auditory streams have the
necessary mechanistic components to perform sentence and
discourse processing, even though the system lacks the
necessary quantitative scale to support language.
(Research supported by the National Institutes of Health of the
USA)</p>
      <p>Statistical regularities in input: The basis of
neural encodings for language</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>Uri Hasson</title>
      <p>The capacity to code for statistical features of language is
thought to enable language learning, assist online word
segmentation, and form a basis for prediction of
subsequent speech input. How does the brain code for the
statistical structure of the language stream? I will present
recent neuroimaging data addressing this question, and
focus on three issues: a) Is there a domain general system
sensitive to structure in both language-like and
nonlanguage like inputs? b) Are there separate systems
sensitive to different types of statistical information, e.g.,
marginal frequency vs. transition probability? and c) Are
different forms of statistical learning engaged depending
on whether the language tokens are novel or familiar? The
answers to these questions (no, yes, and yes) suggest the
existence of distributed, domain-specific systems for
encoding statistical structure, with separate brain systems
coding for different statistical aspects of the stimulus.
(Research supported by ERC starting grant NeuroInt)
Context is all: There is no fixed organization of
language and the brain</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>Jeremy Skipper</title>
      <p>Is there a ‘center of speech’ in the brain? It is generally
(though perhaps implicitly) assumed that there is. In
contrast, I argue that there is no core, i.e., fixed region, set
of regions, or (dual) "streams" supporting the
organization of language and the brain. I suggest that the
illusion that there is some core is created by: 1) the wiring
of the brain, 2) the methods and statistics used in
neuroimaging and 3) the fact that we have not observed
the brain during natural language use. Supporting this
argument, I show that the same word can have a very
different whole brain organization as a function of the
type of context that accompanies that word. Context
includes both that which is present (e.g., observable
speech associated gestures) and that which has been
previously experienced (e.g., music, lip movements, and
written text repeatedly encountered in the past). I also
show that, even in brain regions where activity might be
expected to be comparable for a word heard in different
contexts, e.g., auditory cortex, it is not. I argue from these
results that, rather than being organized around linguistic
information per se, language and the brain is organized
around context. This is because context is necessary for
speech perception and language comprehension to occur.
Because the context associated with natural language use
is ever changing, so to will the many brain networks that
comprise the organization of language and the brain be
dynamic.</p>
      <p>Context predicts word order processing in
Broca's region</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-5">
      <title>Mikkel Wallentin</title>
      <p>While famous for its role in language processing, the actual
function of the left inferior frontal gyrus (L-IFG) is still
highly disputed. In terms of dual stream models, it has
recently been argued to be part of the dorsal stream for
speech, whereas it has also traditionally been considered as
part of the extended ventral visual stream. A number of
language processing studies have linked the region to the
processing of syntactic structure. Still, there is little
agreement when it comes to defining why linguistic
structures differ in their effects on the L-IFG. In a number
of languages, the processing of object-initial sentences
affects the L-IFG more than the processing of subject-initial
ones, but frequency and distribution differences may act as
confounding variables. Syntactically complex structures
(like the object-initial construction in Danish) are often less
frequent and only viable in certain contexts. With this
confound in mind, the L-IFG activation may be sensitive to
other variables than a syntax manipulation on its own. This
talk investigates the effect of a pragmatically appropriate
context on the processing of subject-initial and object-initial
clauses with the IFG. We find that Danish object-initial
clauses yield a higher BOLD response in L-IFG, but we
also find an interaction between appropriateness of context
and word order. Given an appropriate context, the L-IFG
activation drops remarkably for object-initial clauses. This
interaction overlaps with traditional syntax areas in the IFG.
Further, an acceptability study shows that, given
appropriate contexts, object-initial clauses are considered
more appropriate than subject-initial clauses. The increased
L-IFG activation for processing object-initial clauses
without a supportive context may be interpreted as
reflecting either reinterpretation or the recipients' failure to
correctly predict word order from contextual cues. These
findings are discussed in relation to the dual stream models.</p>
    </sec>
  </body>
  <back>
    <ref-list />
  </back>
</article>