Cookery books are governed by their own laws not only in the choice of vocabulary and fixed expressions, but also grammar and style. Their translations should accordingly not only be linguistically impeccable and technically accurate, but also read as if written by a professional.
This paper discusses how the employment of corpus tools can help choose the most appropriate collocation or turn of phrase and validate hypotheses concerning crucial but nonsalient grammatical choices (such as the presence or absence of articles, or preference for singular or plural), stylistic, spelling and punctuation conventions. Several categories of snares lurking for the translator will be outlined with the help of a self-compiled corpus (1m tokens, <12k types), key characteristics of English-language recipes discussed, and numerous concrete examples vindicating the brownie points gained through analyses of recipe websites and cookery software in ways different from those envisaged by their creators in teaching ESP and specialized translation presented from the author's over decade-long experience. 1
Food is perhaps the most distinctive expression of an ethnic group, a culture, or, in modern times, a nation.
-A. Sonnenfeld, Food: A Culinary History from Antiquity to the Present (1999: xvi) Food constitutes an inextricable part of our lives; more than being a purely biological necessity, it has been claimed to play a central role in many cultures (Counihan & Van Esterik 1997). Roland Barthes went as far as to assert that "an entire 'world' (social environment) is present in and signified by food" (1961/1997:23), assigning to food a 'commemorative' function: when people prepare meals according to the customs prevalent in their society, they can experience the tradition and past of their country, which had been passed from generation to generation ensuring the continuity of culinary customs. Thus by connecting contemporary times with the practices of our ancestors, food can be viewed as a tool helping preserve the culture of a society (e.g. just like African Americans cultivate their roots and culture through their cooking traditions; Hughes 1980).
Culture determines not only what, but also how people eat. In his influential work L'Origine des manières de table Claude Lévi-Strauss analysed "how the cooking of a society is a language in which it unconsciously translates its structure" (1968/1997:35) -in his view, similarly to language, cooking is a society's means of self-expression, and "in any cuisine, nothing is simply cooked, but must be cooked in one fashion or another" (op. cit.:29). 2 Thus the food of a nation together with its eating habits and norms are all a signature of its culture.
Translating specialized and technical texts requires two kinds of knowledge. Firstly, familiarity with the minilect -restricted form of practicallyoriented technolects used by a limited circle of specialists and/or linked to a limited field (Nordman 1996:556), encompassing jargon, strictly formalized syntax, discourse conventions, and special mode of expression. Recipes are one of few genres with the typography, layout, and superordinate macrostructure so conventionalized, interculturally stereotyped and easily recognizable that the text type can be identified even by a total linguistic dilettante (op. cit.:558). As such, they fall under Nord's umbrella of instrumental translation, produced when the target text is supposed to "achieve the same range of functions as an original text" (1997:50), as opposed to documentary translation, where the target text receiver is well aware that they are dealing with a translation.
The second type of requisite knowledge is what can be called 'encyclopedic' knowledge and experience, especially in the domain of culturebound items (phenomena that are characteristic of only one culture, or better known in the culture from which they stem ;Hejwowski 2004:128); in the case in point embracing foodstuffs specific for particular cuisines, names of dishes traditional to a country, and terms describing cooking utensils, appliances, cutlery and crockery unknown in the target culture, among others. Quoting David Crystal, "[t]ranslators [must] have a thorough understanding of the field of knowledge covered by the source text, and of any social, cultural, or 2 Another part of culture is the norms pertaining to the sequence and constituent parts of meals (Douglas 1975); the type of meal and the food served may be reflections of the social links between the diners. The culinary codes operating in a society can also determine the relative significance of the different functions of food; for instance, in Japan its appearance is no less important than the taste (Allison 1991), much in line with Goethe's famous saying that "the meal should please the eye first and then the stomach." ["Das Essen soll zuerst das Auge erfreuen und dann den Magen."] These cultural influences also blend with food doctrines practised by religious groups.
emotional connotations that need to be specified in the target language if the intended effect is to be conveyed" (1987:344).
Accurate translation of kitchen-related terms obviously requires in-depth familiarity with the ingredients and condiments used. Two-word names are generally deceitful in that the frequent temptation is to go about them word-for-word. This will not, however, take one a long way -take 'sea urchin', 'red snapper', 'John Dory', or 'navel oranges' as examples. Here, one prudent and typically failsafe tactic is to look up the relevant animal species or vegetable in a specialized dictionary, or-given the necessary caution-in the target language version of the Wikipedia. This may sensitize the translator to many intricacies even when the original term appears fairly unproblematic: the head nouns in 'melon miodowy', 'pomidorki koktajlowe', 'czekolada deserowa', 'tłuste mleko' or 'jogurt naturalny' will not take as their modifiers the words 'honey ', 'cocktail', 'dessert', 'fat' or 'natural', but 'honeydew [melon]', 'cherry [tomatoes]', 'dark [chocolate]', 'whole [milk]' and 'plain [yoghurt]'. Going in the opposite direction, 'brown sugar' does not so much specify the color of the sweetener (which can be obtained in the unrefined beet sugar variety), but the raw material -sugar cane; similarly, 'brown stock' refers to demi-glacetype beef-based stock, while 'white stock' to broth cooked on chicken bones and white mirepoix. Yet, dictionaries and even the Wikipedia will not account for all the cases out there -and even where they do, they rarely provide information on the actual usage of the terms in gastronomic discourse.
In the previous section we highlighted the need to pay close attention when translating complements and adjuncts. However, head nouns are no less deceptive, with the result that while in some cases a verbatim word-for-word translation (aka literal or syntagmatic; Vinay & Darbelnet 1958;Hejwowski 2004:95, respectively) may be comprehended, in others it can only be met with blank stares. As Pawley and Syder wrote in their seminal paper, native speakers of English do not exercise the creative potential of syntactic rules to anything like their full extent [...], if they did so they would not be accepted as exhibiting nativelike control of the language. The fact is that only a small proportion of the total set of grammatical sentences are nativelike in form -in the sense of being readily acceptable to native informants as ordinary, natural forms of expression. (1983:193) Thus for instance, while 'cornflour' will be correctly understood both in the UK and US to mean 'cornstarch' (note the spelling as one word), 'potato flour' ('mąka ziemniaczana' or 'potato starch') repeatedly puzzles. Condiments are a kingdom of idiosyncrasy: the English equivalent of 'przyprawa do piernika' focuses on the fact that it contains more than one ingredient -'gingerbread mix' or 'mixed spice', but 'przyprawa pięć smaków', 'curry' and 'chili' concentrate more on the granular form: 'five-spice powder', 'curry powder' and 'chili powder' (the last also to distinguish it from the fresh chili). 'Kasza perłowa' will be familiar to most Polish housewives without the need to specify the cereal, but the English equivalent -'pearl barley' -places more emphasis on the grain.
The discrepancies in naming (and conceptualization) extend beyond food stuffs to accessories and utensils. Terms such as 'deska do krojenia', 'blat', 'kratka piekarnika', 'płytka', 'papilotki', or 'folia spożywcza' call for collocates that, without the accompanying contextual information, may at first glance seem semantically remote: 'worktop saver', 'work surface', 'grill rack', 'heat diffuser', 'muffin papers', or 'plastic wrap//clingfilm'. In such cases of doubt concerning the meaning of a particular expression, deciphering the meaning of unknown items is frequently possible with the help of Google Images.
Not all terms are equivalent even within the Anglosphere. The same ingredients often go by different names on the two sides of the Atlantic. 3Many are relatively obvious and pose little threat: BrE 'beetroot' is AmE 'beet', 'cutlet' is 'chop', 'aubergine' and 'eggplant', 'courgette' and 'zucchini', 'swede' and 'yellow turnip', 'jacket potato' and 'baked potato', 'sponge fingers' and 'ladyfingers', or 'liver sausage' and 'liverwurst' are easily understood in both countries, as are 'greaseproof paper ' and 'wax paper'. 4 Somewhat less evidently, English 'broad beans' equal American 'fava beans', BrE 'brown bread' is AmE 'wholemeal bread', 'porridge' is 'cooked oatmeal', 'candyfloss' is 'cotton candy'. There exist more ticklish complications and terminological conundrums. A BrE 'biscuit' will be an AmE 'cookie' (if sweet) or 'cracker' (if savory). While 'fairy cakes' and 'cupcakes' are similar (although the finishing touches differ), 'English muffins' are nonexistent in England, where their closest cultural equivalent is a 'crumpet'. BrE 'chicory' is AmE 'endive' while 'endive' is 'chicory'. UK 'rump steak' is known as US 'sirloin', while 'sirloin' usually denotes 'porterhouse steak'. 'Marrow' can be bone tissue or a type of AmE 'squash', but 'squash' stands for concentrated juice drink. 'Corn' does not refer exclusively to 'maize'. And, if one got their fingers greasy, they should beware of confusing a 'serviette' with a 'napkin' when in the Western Hemisphere.
So far, we have been discussing terms which have unique recognized equivalents in another language. This is not a universal scenario, and many times different dictionaries, the Wikipedia, and recipe books will be using more than one term to refer to the same item. Then, the translator may wish to make informed, usage-based choices-especially if the end-result is to be consistent and deemed for a particular target audience (e.g. the American or Canadian publishing market). One option is the Internet, but it is typically difficult to find sizeable enough collections of texts that have been reliably edited for style, clarity, and uniformity. To our aid come corpora of texts that have not been designed with the aim of computational analysis in mind, such as MasterCook, popular English-language cookery software which lends itself to effortless transformation into LSP corpus and subsequent profitable exploration.
The edition used in the current project came in the form of 17 stand-alone cookbooks containing over 1m word tokens and nearly 12k word types. The files, though bearing a unique dedicated extension, are simple ASCII text files, uncluttered by metatags or other unnecessary code, and hence amenable to the same search, sort and count operations as regular untagged textual databases. In order to create the corpus, the files were copied to a separate folder. 5 The collection was then explored with WordSmith Tools. 6This revealed that 'arugula' appears much more often than 'rocket', and 'garnish' more than 'decorate'. Also, while dictionaries may list 'powder sugar' among their entries, these terms only sporadically or never occur in the corpus; instead, 'confectioner's sugar' and 'icing sugar' are used. The corpus may also help resolve spelling dilemmas: 'fillets', 'yogurt', 'gelatin' and 'aluminum' (rather than 'filets', 'yoghurt', 'gelatine', or 'aluminium' -in this particular collection of American English texts).
The compilation of a corpus of authentic LSP texts becomes even handier where proper collocations must be used. For instance, the form and unit names in which plants and other ingredients are used to culinary ends can be quite testing. 'Asparagus spears', 'parsley sprigs' and 'desiccated coconut' may not boast sufficient input frequency in everyday discourse to render them readily available to a second-language user during a translation or interpreting task. Even on the very confined plot of spices the translator often has to ponder on the character of the seed in question: after all, 'juniper berries' do not look very much different from 'black peppercorns' (note the spelling as one word), nor, when crushed, from 'cardamom seeds'. Likewise, one can enclose stuffing in 'rice paper sheets' or 'rice paper wrappers', but only 'won ton wrappers'.
Collocational competence is also requisite in the ingredient list when mention is made of already pre-processed ones. Hence, 'roast pepper' is fine, while 'baked pepper' virtually nonexistent, although no dictionary includes such information. Likewise, one will come across 'sesame seedstoasted' and 'cashews -roasted', but not much the other way round. 'Cracked black pepper' behaves quite differently from 'crushed green peppercorns', despite the fact that it is the same plant in question. Some collocations, e.g. certain trinomials, are frequent enough to be learnt by rote and subsequently recycled, such as 'avocado -peeled, pitted and diced'.
More contextualized collocations help resolve problems where more than one translational equivalent exists for a Polish term, but where they are not interchangeable. For instance, 'odstawić' can mean 'set aside (to cool)' or 'let stand (for 10 minutes)'; 'ubić' should be translated as 'beat' when dealing with egg whites, and 'whip' when cream is concerned.
Terminological acumen is one thing. The knowledge provided by wisely compiled corpora of specialized texts extends beyond the realm of encyclopedic and lexical knowledge to grammar as well. One area that is responsible for a sizeable proportion of errors in learner language, chiefly owing to interference from the mother tongue, and consequently leaves a trace in translation attempts, is that of prepositions (Paradowski 2002). Reference to a language corpus quickly helps in the case of such often problematic examples as the following:7
Another notorious and often cursed area for many learners of English that tends to spill over into translations is that of articles, usage whereof, despite their high frequency and early exposure, constitutes a great conceptual difficulty, primarily owing to the absence of these functors in many L 2ers' mother tongues (Paradowski 2007:157). Translating culinary texts presents a compounded problem here, for the genre tends to obey rules of article usage quite unlike those imparted in even university-level textbooks of general English. In the context of the kitchen, the most common article is the zero one -once the ingredients have been provided, and given the relative universality of kitchens being equipped with a customary set of utensils and appliances, definiteness ceases to be an issue and the resultant need to encode it by means of the definite or indefinite article becomes obviated. 8 Textual ellipsis in recipes is a more widespread phenomenon, extending beyond determiners to prepositions and nominal phrases; cf. '1 tsp Ø allspice', '2 cups Ø orange juice' (but: 'pinch of nutmeg', as here the measure is less precise and not premodified by a cardinal numeral), or 'cover and refrigerate Ø Ø at least 4 hrs or overnight, turning Ø fish occasionally', where all the three grammatical categories have been left out. While no textbook mentions these things, a corpus will in a few seconds.
A corpus may also help where more than one article option is technically possible. For instance, the Wielki Słownik Angielsko-Polski PWN-Oxford tells us that the collocation for 'doprowadzić do wrzenia' is 'bring to the boil' (2004:124). However, a brief look at the collocation list in our collection shows the absence this combination, and a preference for 'a' over the zero article.9
Culinary texts are also useful to illustrate the relative compactness of the English language, not only in terms of average word length and scarcity of inflectional suffixes, but also the tendency to package and compress information, frequently using single-word terms that need more than one lexeme in other languages. Verbs, in particular passive participles are the most frequent compressors of information, as in 'chicken breasts -skinned and boned', 'shrimp -peeled and deveined' (cf. 'obrane ze skóry i odfiletowane', 'pozbawione jelita'), 'beer-battered fish' ('w piwnej panierce'), 'stir-fried' ('smażone w woku'), 'curried egg sandwiches', or 'reduce, sieve and add chopped cilantro' ('przetrzyj przez sito'). A short phrase can express several subsequent actions, as in 'transfer to wax paper-lined tray'.
The ability of the English language to stack prenominal adjuncts and easily manipulate their grammatical categories further contributes to concision and condensation of information: 'bake in preheated 350ºF oven' instead of 'piec w piekarniku nagrzanym do 175ºC'. Also the ability to form compound words, so typical of other West-Germanic languages, can contribute to stylistic elegance: 'simmer yucca in salted boiling water until fork-tender, 30 to 35 minutes'. Notable due to this feature of the English language is the possibility to avoid further the use of prepositions, which typically surface in the Polish equivalents, with the result that (despite both being left-headed languages) in place of Polish postmodification, English favors premodification; consider 'boneless pork loin', 'oriental-style', or 'crayfish won-ton' (vs. 'polędwiczka wieprzowa bez kości', 'w stylu orientalnym', 'won-ton z krewetką/krewetkami').
Yet, this renouncement of some lexical items and the compression of information do not have to communicate less; at times, on the contrary. This is most frequent in the case of verbs, which apart from the core meaning often convey additional information on the circumstances of the activity, the manner in which it is to be performed, or the tool to be used10 : 'pat dry with paper towels', 'return tofu to skillet', 'spoon cucumber relish alongside'.
As we have observed, idiomatic, target-like output of the translation process requires competent employment of appropriate jargon and collocations. This also entails familiarity with other conventions of the discipline, including expression of certain information using different grammatical categories (parts of speech) than in the source language. Examine the following concordance lines:
-6⅛-ounce can white tuna packed in water -drained ('bez zalewy') working in batches, fry … ('partiami') coat soufflé dishes or custard cups with walnut mixture, knocking out excess//generously butter and flour springform pan, tapping out any excess flour ('wytrzepać nadmiar …') makes/yields about 50 crostini ('na ok. 50 grzanek')
Notable also is the fact that while in Polish the animals whose meat is being served are typically denoted with an adjective (e.g. 'kotlet schabowy', 'udziec jagnięcy'), English uses a nominal modifier, not in the Saxon genitive, but a periphrastic prepositional phrase: Animals are rendered being-less not only by technology, but by innocuous phrases … After being butchered, fragmented body parts must be renamed to obscure the fact that these were once animals. After death, cows become roast beef, steak, hamburger; pigs become pork, bacon, sausage. Since objects are possessions they cannot have possessions; thus, we say 'leg of lamb' not a 'lamb's leg.' (Adams 1990:47f.) 15 Composition and information structure
The competence of a culinary translator does not end with encyclopedic knowledge, lexical fluency, and familiarity with the grammatical conventions of cookery texts. Another level of expertise relates to the relatively stable principles of composition and information structure, with much higher homogeneity and considerably less variation than licensed in other genres. This concerns both the micro-level of word order in isolated phrases, where it may differ between languages (cf. 'czerwone wytrawne wino' vs. 'dry red wine', 11 '… ugotowanych ziemniaków' vs. '… potatoesboiled', or 'czerwona cebula pokrojona w cienkie plasterki' -'red onion -sliced thin//thinly sliced'), and the discourse level of entire sentences, where in English it is typical to begin with the utensil or kitchenware in which the dish is to be prepared, rather than with the key ingredients and demoting the appliance until the end of the sentence:
-In food processor, pulse flour, salt and 1 tablespoon sugar to combine; -In large nonstick skillet, brown ground beef over medium heat 8 to 10 minutes or until no longer pink On a macroscale, conventionalized Englishlanguage recipes invariably begin with a presentation of the ingredients, typically including the preliminary preparation stages ('¼ cup fresh parsley -chopped'), followed by the instructions. Demoting the ingredients until the discussion of the preparation is relatively uncommon. Also, a much higher degree of consistent conformity can be observed in English-language (especially North American) cookbooks between the sequence in which ingredients are listed and the order in which they appear in the instruction, to the extent that, where a given mass foodstuff is used at different stages of the process, the appropriate information is nearly invariably indicated in the list of ingredients (e.g. '2 tbsp olive oil -divided'). In recipes published over the Vistula, other scenarios are possible: ingredients may be presented in order of importance, with the key constituent coming first, in order of appearance in the texts, or they may be listed in an apparently arbitrary sequence. Also, in Poland lists of ingredients are meant to prepare a shopping list, so additional notes at this stage may seem superfluous.
Additionally, English-language readers expect orderly paragraphing, where a Polish source may be more of a run-on text. Some cookbooks additionally follow the trend of numbering the preparation steps.
Last, but not least, the translator ought to be aware of the interlinguistic differences in the verb forms used to provide instructions, the register, and formal constructions used. For instance, directions in English-language cookbooks use the imperative and impersonal forms: 'season with salt and pepper, if desired', while the tendency to compress information favors doing without the verbal form altogether: 'For sauce, mix all ingredients except …' instead of 'To prepare the sauce, …'. In Polish it has been customary to use imperatives (and, in older texts, the second-person future declarative), but another visible trend has been to use the infinitive or other impersonal constructions (with some scholars explicitly encouraging this in order to avoid shortening of the distance between author and reader, which in Polish seems not a welcome author-reader interaction, especially with the older generations; Jankowiak 2010:31).
We have overviewed a selection of the most characteristic features of cookbook English, its specialized taxonomy and professional nomenclature, syntactic and stylistic conventions, and discoursal features. Their combined contribution to a stereotyped, conventionalized text makes the end-result predictable, more directly available to, and easier for the initiated addressee "to act on the instructions promptly and undisturbed by peripheral effects" (Nordman 1996:564). A translation should be similarly transparent for the audience. The translator's output ought thus to be accurate, but at once idiomatic, native-like, and uniform, meeting the genre-related expectations of the audience rather than sticking rigidly to the convention of the source text. A novice to the field should check on every new term and not take it for granted. Where available, s/he may fall back on dictionaries and the target-language versions of relevant entries in the Wikipedia, as well as consult other secondary references, but once s/he moves beyond the word level, acquaintance with the genre becomes indispensable. Given that accurate technical translation is not always available from dictionaries, corpus analysis of judiciously compiled reference material becomes vital to provide insight into both the specific textual conventions, and the phrasal building blocks which can be borrowed intact, for both novice and more experienced translators as well as proofreaders and editors of the end-product. In some cases, the translator may even back her-/himself up with a reverse approach: where a recipe to be rendered in the foreign language closely mirrors one already in the corpus, s/he can take the latter one as model scaffolding and fill it out with the necessary detail.
The general methodology outlined above can easily be carried over to other thematic fields, and genre corpora have been an invaluable resource in numerous domains for several years now. Apart from aiding human translation from scratch, findings such as those discussed in this paper can also help improve the algorithms and performance of machine translation systems. The statistical component of most current MT solutions would already take care of many of the collocation and colligation patterns and nuances, conceivably outperforming novice human translators. The systems could also benefit from a component that would identify the names of ingredients, utensils, appliances and other accessories and be able to extract their counterparts e.g. from the Wikipedia, evaluating the results in the case of several synonyms being returned. 12 The genre-specific idiosyncrasies such as omission of articles and other syntactic elements in turn build a case for training automatic translation systems on samples of LSP rather than collections of general-language texts. Higher-, discourse-level properties of the genre may require deeper semantic processing and therefore be more elusive to current commerciallevel software.
As in dealing with any other consumer-oriented how-to type of text, the translator should be an expert in the given field, possess relevant factual and cultural information and know what they are talking about. The ideal successful translator of cookery books and television shows ought to be not only theoretically familiar with the specialized language, but also au fait with the kitchen environment and techniques, at home among pots and pans, knowing how the ingredients and kitchen tools are used and can be substituted, and possessing an understanding of differences in the culinary art and a feel for cooking so that the translated recipes will work as originally intended (Samuelsson-Brown 2004:82) and their final outcome will not turn out to be a fiasco from the point of view of taste (Nordman 1996:565). While there is no universal method of dealing with culture-bound and other problematic items, the guiding principle should be that of functionality: facilitating an understanding and the preparation of the recipe. In line with Skopos theory stating that [e]ach text is produced for a purpose, and should thus serve this purpose. Speak/write/translate/ interpret so that your text/translation/ interpretation functions in the situation and among the audience for whom it has been intended and in the way it should function. (Vermeer 1989:20) 13 Such a functionalist approach in translation thus means that rather than merely to provide similar impressions for the source and target text readers (as in equivalence-based approaches; e.g. Wojtasiewicz 1957), or foreignize the text in order to render it more understandable to the end audience (as in Nida's (1964) dynamic equivalence theory), the text should be "functionally communicative" for the receiver (Holz-Mänttäri 1984). Repeatability, so frowned upon in many other spheres of life, in the gastronomic realm is one of the preached and desired principles (which is why many among even the top chefs rely on half-finished products). If the translator feels insecure (but for some reason had undertaken the task), the text may be consulted with a professional. 14 The value of practice can never be underrated. Unlike many other areas of specialty, the advantage in translating culinary art is that the outcome can be tested in practice with relative ease.
MasterCook Deluxe 14 (2015)