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  <front>
    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Choice of the Group Increases Intra-Cooperation</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Tatiana Babkina</string-name>
          <email>t.babkina@skoltech.ru</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff5">5</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Mikhail Myagkov</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Evgeniya Lukinova</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff3">3</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Anastasiya Peshkovskaya</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff2">2</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Olga Menshikova</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff4">4</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Elliot T. Berkman</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1">1</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>Department of Political Science, University of Oregon</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>1585 E. 13th Avenue, Eugene, Oregon, 97403</addr-line>
          ,
          <country country="US">United States</country>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff1">
          <label>1</label>
          <institution>Department of Psychology and Center for Translational Neuroscience, University of Oregon</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>1227 University of Oregon, Eugene, Oregon, 97403</addr-line>
          ,
          <country country="US">United States</country>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff2">
          <label>2</label>
          <institution>Laboratory of Experimental Methods in Cognitive and Social Sciences, Tomsk State University</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>36, Lenina Avenue, Tomsk, 634050, Russian Federation</addr-line>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff3">
          <label>3</label>
          <institution>New York University Shanghai</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>1555 Century Ave, Pudong, Shanghai, China 200122</addr-line>
          ,
          <country country="US">USA</country>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff4">
          <label>4</label>
          <institution>Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration (RANEPA)</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>Prospect Vernadskogo, 82, Moscow, 119571, Russian Federation</addr-line>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff5">
          <label>5</label>
          <institution>Skolkovo Institute of Science and Technology</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>Novaya, d.100, Karakorum Building, 4th oor, Skolkovo, 143025, Russian Federation</addr-line>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <fpage>13</fpage>
      <lpage>23</lpage>
      <abstract>
        <p>This research investigates how variation in sociality, or the degree to which one feels belonging to a group, a ects the propensity for participation in collective action. By bringing together rich models of social behavior from social psychology with decision modeling techniques from economics, these mechanisms can ultimately foster cooperation in human societies. While variation in the level of sociality surely exists across groups, little is known about whether and how it changes behavior in the context of various economic games. Speci cally, we found some socialization task makes minimal group members behavior resemble that of an established group. Consistent with social identity theory, we discovered that inducing this type of minimal sociality among participants who were previously unfamiliar with each other increased social identity, and sustained cooperation rates in the newly formed groups to the point that they were comparable to those in the already established groups. Our results demonstrate that there are relatively simple ways for individuals in a group to agree about appropriate social behavior, delineate new shared norms and identities.</p>
      </abstract>
      <kwd-group>
        <kwd>collective action</kwd>
        <kwd>group formation</kwd>
        <kwd>cooperation</kwd>
      </kwd-group>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>-</title>
      <p>evolved specialized a ective and cognitive tendencies related to group
membership. This can be seen both in the extreme su ering caused by social isolation
and loneliness and also in the feelings of a liation and acts of commitment
associated with group membership. The focus of our program of research is on
the in uence of group membership on cognitive processes and their attendant
behavioral outcomes such as economic decisions.</p>
      <p>De nition 1. Sociality, even in a very minimal form, serves as a natural
mechanism to promote sustainable cooperation among group members.
De nition 2. Sociality, or social utility, is de ned here as an additional
component of the subjective utility function that re ects the value of contributing to
group outcomes and cohesion, and is derived at least in part from a sense of
social identity.</p>
      <p>
        A recent study from our group found that socialization in the form of brief
groupbased social interactions prior to a Prisoners Dilemma or Ultimatum Game
added social utility to choices that punished group members who did not
cooperate (e.g., free-riders), but not to choices that punished the group as a whole
[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">5</xref>
        ]. A current research goal is to nd an e ective mechanism of sociality
induction that allows members of a minimal group to mimic the economic behavior
of those from the established group.
      </p>
      <p>
        Our laboratory model of sociality [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">13</xref>
        ] combines the classic \minimal group"
paradigm from social psychology [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref20">20</xref>
        ] with group-based manipulations that
induce a sense of social connectedness in humans to allow us to measure the degree
of utility conferred by sociality that otherwise has no economic utility. Testing
this model would enable social psychology and economics to make a connection,
such that the former can represent group membership in terms of a value
calculation and the latter can inform its decision making models with empirical
insights into the factors that guide human behavior in a social environment.
Traditional economic analysis generally makes the simplifying assumption that
people are exclusively utility-maximizing and self-regarding. However, the
breakdown point of economic models is in explaining behaviors that are altruistic, fair
and trusting [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">11</xref>
        ]. Such behaviors are inseparably linked with social context.
Factors such as group membership, social identity and a liation motives induce
prosocial behaviors through additional utility that is rarely included in formal
models of economic behavior. There are many ways of manipulating sociality
for the purpose of testing its e ect on economic decisions. To our knowledge, a
formal typology of the various kinds of sociality is not currently available, even
though such a typology would be quite useful for the present line of research and
related e orts. A key contribution of this paper is to use various manipulations
of sociality, to compare their e ects on human choice behavior, and select an
e ective one that boosts sociality of strangers in a group to the level of
behavior seen within established groups. Comparing these manipulations will have a
broad impact on the eld because researchers are in need of procedures that can
reliably manipulate sociality. Individuals that identify with certain social groups
are often involved in power struggles in that they try to establish, change, or
defend a power structure. Sociality in the minimal form is a way to make struggles
and protests lead to pro-social outcomes.
2
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>Economic Decisions in a Group Context</title>
      <p>
        Prosocial behaviors are innate to humans because our survival individually and
as a species depends on collective action and achievement of common goals [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1 ref6">1, 6</xref>
        ].
Since [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
        ] researchers argued that distinctive features of human sociality resulted
from selection among individuals who live in groups. Voluntary social
integration of people into groups occur for the reasons of need for a liation (inclusion)
[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">4</xref>
        ], need for power dependence (control), need for intimacy (a ection) [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref18">18</xref>
        ], need
for achievement [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14">14</xref>
        ], proximity in distance and in social self (attachment), and
making sense of the world (principle of \social proof" to validate your own
existing beliefs).
      </p>
      <p>
        Groups, in turn, are complex adaptive systems, they are \entities that emerge
from the purposive, interdependent actions of individuals" [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">15</xref>
        ]. In fact,
observation of naturally occurring groups in public places reveal that dyads are common
and few groups contain more than ve or six people [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16 ref7">7, 16</xref>
        ], this justi es our
decision to divide participants in groups of six people. In small self-organized groups
norms emerge that guide coordinated action, including cooperation [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2 ref4">2, 4</xref>
        ].
Previous evidence suggests that endogenously formed groups, unlike exogenously
formed alliances, lead to the creation of social ties and trust that favorably
affect cooperation in economic games such as the Prisoners Dilemma (PD; [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10 ref21">10, 21</xref>
        ].
Moreover, autonomy in group membership can transform competition of
individual outcomes to be a competition of generosity and other prosocial traits. It has
been proposed that choosing a group in animal and human societies can re ect
your willingness to follow the leaders of a group; in this case, group members
will endorse the norms of the leader and the leader will in uence the members
to achieve e cacy in a task performance. We compared the economic behavior
of players under variations of sociality in an experimental setting. Speci cally,
our central comparison is between the cooperative behavior of people in groups
formed around minimal social characteristics and people in already-established
groups that were based on relatively longstanding and salient identity features.
3
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>Current Study</title>
      <p>This paper reports on the results of a series of laboratory experiments that
systematically varied the type of sociality induction and measured economic
decisions as participants interacted anonymously with others in their in-group or
in an out-group. In particular, experiments with di erent social group
composition were considered: participants in the Assigned condition (number of subjects:
N =108) were randomly assigned to a group to socialize and play with;
participants in the Established condition (number of subjects: N =60) were invited as
a part of established group (group formed long before the experiment) to
socialize and play with; participants in the Choice condition (number of subjects:
N =108) were randomly assigned to choose a group with whom they socialized
and played.</p>
      <p>
        In our previous study [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">5</xref>
        ], we coupled a classic \minimal group" paradigm from
social psychology with group interaction-based manipulations to induce a sense
of social connectedness in our participants. This experiment allowed us to
measure the degree of utility conferred by sociality that otherwise has no economic
utility. We found that socialization, or group interactions immediately prior to
the focal economic games, created and sustained fairness during the economic
games even though this social interaction was logically irrelevant to the games.
In this study, we changed the socialization pattern and altered a second
dimension of sociality, i.e. the manner in which the group was assembled. By making
only one change in our socialization task we kept sociality in a relatively minimal
form: strangers are allowed to interact for 15 mins and form groups endogenously.
Our desire is to nd a group-based manipulation that causes economic decisions
made under minimal sociality resemble those of established and real life cultural
groups under strong sociality.
4
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>Materials and Methods</title>
      <p>The study procedures involving human participants were approved by the Skolkovo
Institute of Science and Technology (Skoltech) Human Subjects Committee.
Written informed consents were obtained from participants. Experimental data
are readily available on Dropbox.7
Subjects (total number of subjects: N = 276, 174 males) for this set of
experiments were recruited from the students at the Moscow Institute of Physics and
Technology (MIPT). The MIPT Experimental Economics laboratory was used
to carry out all experiments. Each experiment (total number of experiments:
23) consisted of a di erent set of 12 students, pre-selected before the
experiment to be unfamiliar with one another (except for the Established condition).
We acknowledge that some of the pre-selected students might know each other,
however, we tried to avoid it by selecting distant year students from di erent
departments, distinct science orientation within one department (linked to a
particular research institution) and by checking their Vkontakte.ru (biggest Russian
social network) pro le and friend circles. In the Established condition we
purposefully invited groups of 6 people that know each other and share an a liation
of some sport club or a hobby. In order to carry out experiments in this
condition an advertisement recruiting participants in Vkontakte speci cally requested
established groups of 6 formed around hobby or sport to sign up. In particular,
one of the group members was asked to enter 6 names of participants including
himself and the meaningful condition around which the group was formed.
Each experiment lasted a bit longer than 1 hour and was divided into 3
consec7 https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/7646503/ChoosingYourTeammatesdata.zip
utive phases (Fig.1) that occurred in a xed order.</p>
      <p>1. Anonymous Game phase, where participants played the two-person
oneshot Prisoners Dilemma (PD) (the parametres of the PD game are shown in
Fig.2). Participants were randomly paired with an anonymous partner each
period of the game (economists refer to this as one-shot games) and alternated
roles on subsequent trials between column chooser and row chooser for the PD
for the dynamic of the experiment. This game phase is repeated for 15 periods,
though this number was not known to participants at the start of the phase.
Each period participants were given information only about their pro t for that
period.
2. Socialization (10-15 minutes). Experiments were randomly assigned to their
sociality manipulation condition. Critically, participants were socialized with
either assigned others (i.e., chosen by the experimenter) or chosen others (i.e.,
chosen by the participants). For the Established condition participants were
pre-selected to be familiar with each other in a meaningful social group of 6.
Assigned: All 12 participants completed the Sociality induction, an icebreaker
called \Snowball": First participant said his/her name and an adjective that
started from the same letter, second subject repeated rst subjects name and
adjective and said his/her own name and adjective, and so on till the last
participant said all names and adjectives in order. Then, in a reverse order each
participant shared his/her life facts, including major, year, and hobby.
Participants formed a circle during this task. Finally, participants were randomly
divided into two groups of 6 and each group completed the task of identifying</p>
      <p>ve characteristics that everyone in their group shares, and then selected one of
those characteristics as their groups name. The group then provided to the
experimenter a list with the characteristics written down and the groups name circled.</p>
      <p>Established: Participants in this condition completed a sociality \reminder"
whereby they were divided into established groups that matched pre-selected
meaningful social groups (e.g., members of aerobics team, dorm neighbors,
football team fans, etc.) of 6 people, named their group, and in 3 mins shared the
group name with the experimenter.</p>
      <p>
        Choice: All 12 subjects participated in the same Sociality induction from
Assigned condition, an icebreaker in which the participants in a sequence told
their names and adjectives that started from the same letter and in a reverse
order shared their life facts. After that participants were asked to raise their
hands if they volunteer to be a leader. Participants did not know from
instructions what responsibilities of a leader will entail. The rst two participants with
hands raised automatically become group leaders (rules of becoming a leader
and rules of group formation are given in the Supporting Information). Players
that were not leaders were asked to decide which leader they want to join on
a piece of paper. The participants get to choose a group, which easily satis es
the minimal group requirement [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref19">19</xref>
        ] and social identity theory [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref20">20</xref>
        ]. Finally, as
in Assigned condition each group selected their groups name based on identi ed
common characteristics and passed it to the experimenter.
      </p>
      <p>3. Socialized Game phase, where participants played the PD with a
random human partner from their socialized group of 6. Their anonymous partner
changed each round of the game, making it a one-shot game. The participants
switched roles on alternating trials: column chooser and row chooser for PD.
There was total of 20 periods in this game phase. Number of periods was not
known to participants. Each period participants were given information only
about their pro t for that period.</p>
      <p>Our main hypothesis is that participants will behave more cooperatively, and do
so in a more sustained way, in the Choice condition compared to the Assigned
condition. This is due to the group-based social factors suggested by evolutionary
and social psychologists (e.g., autonomy) that alter the expected patterns of
economic behavior based solely on a motive to maximize ones own immediate utility.
The Established condition was included as a solid test of the strength of this
manipulation. This condition allowed us to compare cooperation rates among
strangers who underwent a sociality induction in the laboratory (Assigned and
Choice conditions) to those of people in established groups who underwent a
similar procedure in the eld.
5</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-5">
      <title>Results</title>
      <p>Result 1. Various types of socialization activate sociality and facilitate
collective action.</p>
      <p>Across all variations of sociality a cooperative equilibrium was created. Fig.
3 portrays the average mean cooperation rate across three variations of
sociality. In each of the sociality manipulations, displayed on the x-axis, there
was an increase in the cooperation rate from the Anonymous Game phase (the
rst stage of each experiment), when subjects played anonymously with other
people who were strangers, to the Socialized Game phase (the third stage of
each experiment), when the same subjects played anonymously with people who
were part of the subjects socialized group. There was a signi cant elevation
of group cooperation rates from the game phase before socialization to the
game phase after socialization (Anonymous M = 0:21; SD = 0:06, Socialized
M = 0:53; SD = 0:12; t(20) = 5:49; p &lt; :05; Table 1). Each data point is the
rate of cooperation (proportion of cooperative choices) averaged across all
subjects and all periods within Anonymous and Socialized games in one experiment.</p>
      <p>Result 2. Stability of cooperation in the newly formed groups with
socialization is comparable to that in the established groups.</p>
      <p>Fig. 4 shows the sustainability of cooperation across sociality manipulations
in Socialized game phase. The closer the blue bar height (mean cooperation for
the rst 5 periods) is to the red bar height (mean cooperation for the last 5
periods), the more sustainability there is. It is apparent that there is an increase
from early to late cooperation in the Established group, there is only some
decline in the Choice group, and there is a stark discrepancy between the two
time intervals in the Assigned group. The average cooperation rates in the
Socialized game phase signi cantly declined in the Assigned group (proportion of
cooperative choices for the rst 5 periods M = :46, SD = 0:41; last 5 periods
M = 0:26, SD = 0:35; t(47) = 3:37, p &lt; :01; see Table 1), whereas there is no
signi cant decline for Choice socialization (average cooperation for the rst 5
periods M = :59, SD = 0:42; last 5 periods M = 0:53, SD = 0:41; t(59) = 1:53,
p = 0:13; see Table 1). Taking into consideration quartile of experiment
duration (4 on 5 periods), there are signi cant main e ects of condition as well as a
condition-by-time interaction on cooperation, but not of time period, (two-way
factorial ANOVA; D.V.: proportion of cooperative choices averaged across all
subjects within one experiment; condition: F (2; 59) = 107:13, p &lt; :01; quartile:
F (3; 59) = 1:81, p = 0:16; condition on time: F (6; 59) = 3:21, p &lt; :01).
A persistent and curious feature of human behavior in social environments is
\prosocial" actions such as fairness, cooperation, and the provision of collective
good even at the cost of individual gain. Thus, identifying the mechanisms of
collective action in di erent circumstances is a major puzzle for social science.
This paper integrates theories and decision models from economics, social
psychology, and neighboring elds, makes them comprehensible for a broad general
science audience, and provides insight into the mechanisms of human sociality
in the context of during economic choice.</p>
      <p>In this paper, we tested predictions from social psychological theory that
suggested ways to increase cooperation. In doing so, we identi ed a promising way to
increase a sense of sociality in a group of relative strangers. We compared di
erent types of sociality manipulations and concluded that each of them facilitated
collective action through increasing cooperation among individuals. Through one
of the minimal sociality manipulations, i.e. voluntary group choice, group
members, who were strangers before experiment, were able to achieve and sustain
cooperation comparable to that of the meaningful social groups.
Our research team started with the idea that individual will economically value
the outcomes of others in a group to a greater extent when that individual
strongly identi es with the group. This idea has been extensively developed by
psychologists and suggest that prosocial behaviors are driven not by
miscalculations of utility but instead by social factors (which are not mutually exclusive
with each other) such as the salience of social identity, the presence of in-group
favoritism and group norms, and evolutionary adaptations to foster group
success. Economists have only recently begun to incorporate these insights from
psychology into their models and studies of decision-making and choice, but at
this point several groups are converging on the parsimonious explanation that
aspects of the social world impart subjective utility to individual choices that
favor group outcomes. Of course, the links between minimal group, social
identity, and expected utility theories on the one hand, and the recent developments
in the life sciences and neuro disciplines on the other are still tenuous at best.
In this paper we have obtained strong evidence to support the idea that
\sociality," or an individuals sense of belonging and connectedness to a group, holds
positive subjective utility and thereby can in uence economic decisions when
they take place in a social context. We conclude that choosing ones group and
interacting with your group for a small period of time achieves the level of
ingroup favoritism of already established groups and believe that our results will
encourage other researchers to explore this potentially very pro table domain.
Acknowledgements. We thank Rinat Yaminov for writing the programming
code for experiments, Aleksander Chaban for technical help in conducting
experiments at MIPT, and Ivan Menshikov for useful suggestions in data analysis.</p>
    </sec>
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