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    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Studying the Role of Elites in U.S. Political Twitter Debates</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Sebastian Stier</string-name>
          <email>sebastian.stier@gesis.org</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>GESIS Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences Cologne</institution>
          ,
          <country country="DE">Germany</country>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <fpage>43</fpage>
      <lpage>45</lpage>
      <abstract>
        <p>Because of their ever-growing importance, elite actors from the political sphere and news media have integrated social network sites and especially Twitter into their communication strategies. However, the extent of these adaptation processes is not yet fully understood. This article presents lists of U.S. actors from politics, news media and government. As an exploratory analysis, the influence of elites in U.S. political Twitter debates is investigated by applying basic measures of Twitter influence to two test datasets. online political communication; Twitter; politics; news media; government</p>
      </abstract>
      <kwd-group>
        <kwd>• Applied Computing • Law</kwd>
        <kwd>social and behavioral sciences • Sociology</kwd>
      </kwd-group>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>1. INTRODUCTION</title>
      <p>
        Oftentimes it is assumed that the power and agenda-setting role of
established political and media elites are severely weakened on
the less hierarchical social web that promotes a collaborative
production of content [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
        ]. Yet, elites still have a relative
advantage on the web in terms of political and economic
resources, thus profiting from economies of scale in the
production and dissemination of web contents [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">4</xref>
        ].
      </p>
      <p>
        Previous studies analyzed the influence of elites in political
Twitter debates ex post, based on the most retweeted messages or
centrality metrics [e.g. 2, 3, 7]. However, such inductive
procedures miss important communication in the long tail of elites
on Twitter that can only be captured by defining actors ex ante.
The contribution of this article is twofold: First, it presents lists of
twitter handles of actors from the U.S. government, news media
and politics [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">9</xref>
        ] and compares these elites in terms of their
follower count, which is the most basic metric of importance.
Second, the actor lists are applied to the political Twitter debates
on net neutrality and the State of the Union Address 2015 to
estimate the influence of elites in these discussions. The article
concentrates on the U.S., since Twitter use of political actors is
most advanced in this illustrative case.
      </p>
      <p>Placeholder textbox
Copyright c 2016 held by author(s)/owner(s); copying permitted
only for private and academic purposes.</p>
      <p>Published as part of the #Microposts2016 Workshop proceedings,
available online as CEUR Vol-1691 (http://ceur-ws.org/Vol-1691)</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>2. THEORY</title>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>2.1 Conceptualization</title>
      <p>The present study concentrates on political and news media actors
who traditionally occupy the most powerful positions in
representative democracy. The definition of actor groups is the
most critical question when estimating the impact of elites on
Twitter. As elites from political parties, I defined the sitting
members of U.S. congress, incumbent governors, national party
accounts and presidential candidates. In light of the constitutional
separation of powers in the U.S., the group of government actors
is classified separately and is comprised of the President and his
social media accounts, the government departments as well as
their respective secretaries.</p>
      <p>
        The definition of news media actors is the most intricate
conceptual challenge, since the production and dissemination of
news is becoming increasingly fuzzy on the social web. Clay
Shirky, who is an often-cited source with regard to collaborative
news production, proposed definitional boundaries between “a
mass amateurization” of news production on the social web and a
“professional class” that “implies specialized functions, minimum
tests for competence, and a minority of members” [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
        ]. The
practical application of this definition here therefore includes the
various forms of professionalized online media like Mashable or
VOX that can be regarded as “online social elites” [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">4</xref>
        ].
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>2.2 Expectations</title>
      <p>
        Studies have shown that elites still have considerable influence in
political debates on Twitter [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref3 ref7">3, 7</xref>
        ]. However, it became apparent
that their influence varies according to different metrics [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2 ref3 ref6 ref7">2, 3, 6,
7</xref>
        ]. First, a large number of followers does not guarantee an
influential role in topic specific Twitter debates [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">2</xref>
        ]. Second,
@-mentions display the perceived importance of actors in debates
without necessarily signaling an intention of endorsement,
whereas retweets can be regarded as the best available predictor of
ideological homophily [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6">6</xref>
        ]. We should be able to observe similar
patterns when differentiating these metrics in the political sphere.
The structural characteristics of debates and the specific roles of
political actors should also be reflected online. Actors who are
involved in the policies or political events to which Twitter
debates relate should be referenced most often, since expectations
are directed towards them, also from users who do not agree with
the political positions taken by elites. From a reversed logic,
retweet shares to some extent also reflect elites’ own level of
activity and the importance of the medium Twitter as perceived by
them. Previous research indicates that especially the U.S.
executive tries to achieve political goals by influencing public
opinion [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">5</xref>
        ]. Since the legislative competencies of the Presidency
are limited, its actors aim to set the political agenda via direct
communication and “going public” strategies.
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-5">
      <title>3. METHODOLOGY</title>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-6">
      <title>3.1 Operationalization of actor lists</title>
      <p>
        I extracted publicly available Twitter lists from @gov, @cspan
and a collection of influential news media accounts from Daniel
Romero1 as a starting point for generating the actor lists [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">9</xref>
        ]. These
were significantly cleaned and expanded by hand in order to cover
every member of U.S. congress with a Twitter account, all
governors, party accounts as well as accounts belonging to the
U.S. government and its officials. To add additional data of
lawmakers, the politics list was matched with a database of
GovTrack. To restrict the category news media to elites, only
media accounts officially verified by Twitter were included, while
individual journalists were excluded.2
3.2
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-7">
      <title>Measures of influence on Twitter</title>
      <p>
        The estimation of actor importance and the identification of
influential users are recurring topics in web science [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1 ref2">1, 2</xref>
        ]. For the
exploratory analysis, I use follower counts as the most basic
measure of influence. The subsequent empirical application of the
actor lists relies on @-mentions and retweets.
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-8">
      <title>3.3 Datasets</title>
      <p>In order to generate empirical test datasets, I extracted tweets
containing the main debate hashtags on two political topics.
#SOTU was the main hashtag accompanying Barack Obama’s
State of the Union Address in front of U.S. Congress in January
2015. #NetNeutrality refers to a policy discussion on the
regulation of data traffic on the internet. The debates differ with
regard to the time period covered and the tweet volume generated.
As the data mining was based on Twitter hashtags (Table 1),
issue-related tweets without these particular hashtags were not
captured. This could be problematic if the use of hashtags varies
systematically across actor groups. These limitations are discussed
in the empirical section.</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-9">
      <title>4. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION</title>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-10">
      <title>4.1 Follower counts of elites</title>
      <p>
        Figure 1 is a log-log plot displaying the number of followers
plotted by the rank of an actor in its respective group.3 In all three
groups, the follower distribution is heavily skewed. The decay of
the tails resembles a linear pattern until the curve drops steeply at
the lower ends of the distribution. The unequal distribution of
attention is a typical phenomenon on the web in general and
especially in the political sphere, as Hindman, among others,
showed in his study of power laws in the political blogosphere [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">4</xref>
        ].
1 Available online:
http://memeburn.com/2010/09/the-100-mostinfluential-news-media-twitter-accounts.
2 The updated version of the group news media also includes
influential individual journalists [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">9</xref>
        ]. The category politics
features information on political offices and party affiliations.
3 The ranks of actors are standardized by the diverging lengths of
actor lists and thus reported as cumulative percent of accounts.
This finding needs to be taken into account when assessing the
role of elites, especially when studying the diffusion of political
information. In terms of aggregate follower counts, especially the
government and news media should be able to distribute their
contents to a significant portion of the U.S. political Twitter
sphere, either first-hand or via two-step-flow processes. But, as
the next section highlights, this potential depends on their own
propensity to utilize their potential outreach on Twitter [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">2</xref>
        ].
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-11">
      <title>4.2 Case studies: #SOTU and #NetNeutrality</title>
      <p>
        The present chapter applies the actor lists to the two test datasets.
Figure 2 shows the influence of elite actors according to the two
most important conversation practices on Twitter. Displayed is the
share of elites in the aggregate number of retweets and
@-mentions. The most evident pattern is the influential role of the
government with a mention share of 29% in #SOTU and 56% in
#NetNeutrality. In both debates, government actors were the
central political figures. President Obama as the speaker attracted
the highest share of attention during the #SOTU, whereas in the
#NetNeutrality debate the FCC and its chairman Tom Wheeler
were the accounts to which most users referred.4 The high number
of mentions reflects their perceived importance in the two debates.
However, this does not equal an endorsement. Government actors
get retweeted, which is a stronger signal of political homophily
[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6">6</xref>
        ], with a lower frequency than @-mentioned.
      </p>
      <p>Deviations from the preceding analysis that focused on follower
counts are evident when looking at the relatively sparse attention
share of news media and actors from politics. When inspecting
tweet contents and URLs, it becomes apparent that this is mostly
due to their own restrained tweeting patterns. The main event
hashtags were rarely used by these groups, although they regularly
commented on the events. Further qualitative research should
investigate the social media strategies of those in charge of the
Twitter accounts in America’s newsrooms and politics.
Figure 3 amplifies the skewed distribution of attention on the web
by showing the retweet per tweet ratios of actor groups in the two
debates. The relative outreach that elites generated per tweet is
considerable when compared to non-elite users. Non-elite users
had a retweet outreach per tweet below zero, even though this
category also includes a multitude of influential accounts like
NGOs. This urgently points towards the need to further
disaggregate the residual category of others. By adding more lists,
political Twitter debates can be analyzed in even more detail.
4 The FCC is a regulatory agency. Its five commissioners are
appointed by the President.
The varying results for government actors in the #NetNeutrality
debate underline the diverging political and social meanings of
Twitter metrics. The total share of retweets originating from
government accounts is relatively marginal (Figure 2). However,
when the government used the hashtag #NetNeutrality, it
generated 492 retweets per tweet (Figure 3). When central figures
in political events intensify their efforts to influence hashtag
communities, they have success in doing so.</p>
      <p>
        Figure 3 confirms that the most influential actors in the two
debates were affiliated with the government, while tweets from
news media and politics diffused less widely on the web. This
finding depicts “going public” strategies by the government [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">5</xref>
        ],
but is also a result of the political characteristics of the two case
studies. Future studies should investigate these exploratory
findings by including structurally heterogeneous Twitter debates.
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-12">
      <title>5. CONCLUSION</title>
      <p>This paper presented lists of elite actors enriched with additional
information that enable researchers to investigate a broad range of
research questions related to the activity of U.S. elites and
nonelites in online political communication, such as: Are politicians
from the Democratic Party more successful in framing political
debates on Twitter than Republicans? What can we learn about
the dynamics of communication between elites and between elites
and their audience when looking at conversation patterns?
In an empirical application of the actor lists, government and
news media were most influential according to their number of
followers and also when assessing retweets and @-mentions. Yet,
within these groups and throughout the study, the skewed
distribution of influence on the political web became apparent.
Party politicians in particular played a minor part in all of the
analyses. Their role needs to be contextualized by analyzing
Twitter communication on additional political topics.</p>
      <p>
        Methodologically, the analysis remained at a basic level of
analysis by focusing on distributions of Twitter metrics. There is a
great potential to further elaborate on these preliminary results by
applying the toolkit of network science. Subsequent applications
of the actor lists should include topically relevant hashtag
populations and keywords as well as information diffusion via
URLs [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">1</xref>
        ]. Lastly, the typology could be expanded by widening
the conceptualizations of the existing groups and by classifying
politically influential actors like celebrities or NGOs.
      </p>
    </sec>
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