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  <front>
    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Semantic priming effects in Italian verbs recognition: the role of grammatical classes and semantic categories</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Azzurra Mancuso</string-name>
          <email>amancuso@unisa.it</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Maria De Martino</string-name>
          <email>mdemartino@unisa.it</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Alessandro Laudanna</string-name>
          <email>alaudanna@unisa.it</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>University of Salerno</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>Via Giovanni Paolo II, 132, Fisciano, SA, 84084</addr-line>
          ,
          <country country="IT">Italy</country>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <abstract>
        <p>English. The hypothesis that grammatical class information is represented in the mental lexicon and that it is activated during lexical access has generated a wide literature about the differences between nouns and verbs. However, the available evidences are discordant. In this study we tried to disentangle grammatical class effects from semantic categories effects during visual word recognition by exploiting the semantic priming paradigm. Semantically related prime-target pair were arranged. They could share (verb-verb) or not (noun-verb) grammatical class information. A third condition was included where noun primes and verb targets had both an action as a referent (delitti/uccide, crimes/he-she kills). Only prime/target pairs sharing grammatical class information showed significant semantic priming effects. Results are compatible with the hypothesis that grammatical class is an organizational criterion in the mental lexicon and it is activated during lexical access.</p>
      </abstract>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>-</title>
      <p>Italiano. L’ipotesi secondo cui
l’informazione di classe grammaticale sia
rappresentata nel lessico mentale e attivata
durante l’accesso lessicale ha dato origine a
un’ampia letteratura sulle differenze tra nomi
e verbi. La base empirica è, tuttavia, ancora
incerta.</p>
      <p>In questo studio abbiamo usato il paradigma
del priming semantico per distinguere il
ruolo della classe grammaticale da quello della
categoria semantica di appartenenza delle
parole in un compito di riconoscimento
visivo.</p>
      <p>Sono state impiegate coppie prime-target
semanticamente collegate che condividevano
(verbo-verbo) o meno (nome-verbo) la classe
grammaticale. In una terza condizione
abbiamo usato prime-nome e target -verbo che
avevano entrambi un referente appartenente
alla categoria semantica delle azioni
(delitti/uccide).</p>
      <p>L’effetto di priming semantico è risultato
significativo solo per le coppie prime-target
che condividevano l’informazione di classe
grammaticale.</p>
      <p>I dati sono compatibili con l’idea che la
classe grammaticale sia un criterio organizzativo
nel lessico mentale e che sia attivata durante
l’accesso lessicale.
1</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>Introduction</title>
      <p>
        Psychological and neural evidence revealed that
the distinction between parts of speech, mainly
nouns and verbs, occurring in all languages
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">(Sapir, 1921)</xref>
        affects speaker’s performance:
grammatical class is preserved in speech errors
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">(Garrett, 1982)</xref>
        and nouns and verbs can be
selectively disrupted in aphasic populations
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11 ref3 ref9">(Collina,
Marangolo, and Tabossi, 2001; Miceli, Silveri,
Villa, and Caramazza, 1984; Miceli, Silveri,
Nocentini, and Caramazza, 1988)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>
        An influential hypothesis states that the
grammatical class is an organizing principle in the
mental lexicon
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">(Caramazza and Hillis, 1991)</xref>
        but
the picture of empirical data is actually
multifaceted and often inconsistent
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref19">(for a review, see
Vigliocco, Vinson, Druks, Barber, and Cappa,
2011)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>For the sake of conciseness, here we focus on
two examples of alternative interpretations about
the role of grammatical class in lexical
representation and processing of words.</p>
      <p>
        A first position, mostly grounded on word
production data
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12 ref13 ref17">(Pechmann, Garrett, and Zerbst,
2004; Pechmann and Zerbst, 2002; Vigliocco,
Vinson, and Siri, 2005)</xref>
        , is that grammatical class
information, although lexically represented, is
only retrieved under specific circumstances,
namely in sentence or phrasal contexts
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5 ref6">(Levelt,
Roelofs, and Meyer, 1999; Garrett, 1982)</xref>
        .
However, grammatical class effects are significantly
reported in word production even in tasks not
requiring syntactic integration
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14 ref4 ref7">(Mahon, Costa,
Peterson, Vargas, and Caramazza, 2007; De
Simone and Collina, 2016)</xref>
        . A stronger lexicalist
view is held in the field of recognition and
comprehension processes and conceives grammatical
class as a feature of words that is automatically
retrieved during lexical access. Comparisons
between noun/verb homographs (condannato N
(the convict) vs. condannato V (past participle,
convicted), Postiglione and Laudanna, 2016) and
homonymic nominal and verbal forms
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">(saliva N,
spittle vs. saliva V, he/she went up, Mancuso and
Laudanna, 2013)</xref>
        revealed the possibility that
separate, grammatical class-specific
representations are present in the lexicon. Also in this case,
different patterns of data have been described
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref18">(Vigliocco, Vinson, Arciuli and Barber, 2008)</xref>
        .
A possible reason for such a divergence relies on
the fact that grammatical class effects are often
not clearly distinguishable from the influence of
confounding variables, i.e. the imageability of
words, the number of inflectional alternatives for
nominal and verbal stems, the argumental
structure of nouns and verbs and so on. A challenging
issue is that noun/verb distinction is not lexical in
nature but relies on an object/action distinction
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref17">(Vigliocco et al., 2005)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>
        Here we aim at verifying whether lexical access
to input orthographic representations of Italian
verbs can be affected by the pre-activation of
grammatical class information. The semantic
priming paradigm was exploited and the
expected facilitation effect on target verbs elicited
by semantically related primes was compared
across prime/target pairs sharing or not
grammatical class information, i.e., noun/verb pairs vs.
verb/verb pairs. In order to disentangle the
possible confound between grammatical class (nouns
vs. verbs) and semantic categories which nouns
and verbs belong to (objects vs. actions), two
different types of noun-verb pairs were used:
object nouns denoting objects (candela, candle)
vs. nouns denoting actions (sberla, slap).
We reasoned as follows: if grammatical class
informs input orthographic representations of
words, its pre-activation through primes should
speed up targets recognition even in a lexical
decision task where any process of syntactic
integration is not involved. On the contrary,
semantic priming effects are expected to equally
affect prime/target pairs regardless their
grammatical relation. No interaction between
grammatical class and semantic relation is expected
because the two variables are supposed to affect
lexical selection with distinct modalities
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14 ref16 ref4">(Yudes,
Domínguez, Cuetos, and de Vega, 2016)</xref>
        .
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>Experiment</title>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>Method</title>
      <p>Participants: Seventy-six undergraduate
students (36 females) from University of Salerno
voluntarily took part in the experiment. They
were all native speakers of Italian, free of
speech-language and hearing disorders and they
all had normal or corrected-to-normal vision.
Their age ranged from 18 to 31 years (AV: 22
years). They served for a session lasting about 30
minutes. Each pair of participants constituted one
data point in the statistical analyses.</p>
      <p>Materials: Sixty Italian unambiguous verbs
were selected as targets and subdivided into 3
lists on the basis of the type of prime word
adopted:
1.</p>
      <p>Object Noun/Verb Condition, ON/V: 20
targets were preceded by semantically
related object nouns (bottega/acquista,
atelier/he-she buys);
2. Action Noun/Verb Condition, AN/V: 20
targets were preceded by semantically
related action nouns (furto/ruba,
theft/he-she steals);
3. Verb/Verb Condition, V/V: 20 targets
were preceded by semantically related
verbs (colpiva/spara, he-she
struck/heshe fires).</p>
      <p>The semantic distance between prime and target
was calculated on the basis of an off-line rating
(on a 7-points Likert scale), previously submitted
to 54 participants (who did not take part into the
experiment) and balanced among conditions.
Each experimental list was matched with a
control list:
1.</p>
      <p>Object Noun/Verb Control Condition,
ON/VC: 20 targets were preceded by
unrelated object nouns (polmone/acquista,
lung/he-she buys);
Action Noun/Verb Control Condition,
AN/VC: 20 targets were preceded by
unrelated action nouns (dormita/ruba, the
sleep/he-she steals);
Verb/Verb Control Condition, V/VC: 20
targets were preceded by unrelated verbs
(variava/spara, he modified /he-she
fires).</p>
      <p>Targets of the three lists were matched for the
following variables:
- cumulative written frequency of the verb
paradigm;
- written form frequency;
- length calculated in number of letters;
- lexical decision latencies and percentage
errors1.</p>
      <p>The mean values for the controlled parameters of
targets are shown in Table 1.</p>
      <p>Paradigm
Frequency</p>
      <p>Form
Frequency</p>
      <p>Length</p>
      <p>LD
latencies</p>
      <p>
        LD
%errors
Primes of the both experimental and control lists
were matched for:
- written form frequency;
- length calculated in number of letters.
The mean values for the controlled parameters of
primes are shown in Table 2. Values for
frequency were taken from the CoLFIS database
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">(Bertinetto, Burani, Laudanna, Marconi, Ratti,
Rolando &amp; Thornton, 2005)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>Procedure: The participants were tested
individually; an experimental session consisted of
two parts: a practice and an experimental phase.
A semantic priming lexical decision task was
used as experimental paradigm. Participants were
1Prior to the study, a simple visual lexical decision
experiment was administered to 35 participants (who did not take
part into the priming experiment), in order to verify whether
targets of the three conditions were exactly balanced with
each other.
asked to be as fast and accurate as possible. They
had to press on two buttons: the button
corresponding to their dominant hand for the decision
‘word’, the other for the decision ‘non-word’.
Stimuli appeared in lower case letters (12-point
size) in the center of the computer screen. Each
experimental trial was composed by: fixation
point (200 ms), blank (300 ms), prime (200 ms),
blank (50 ms), target (1 sec). If the participant
did not respond within 1000 ms, the feedback
“Fuori tempo” (out of time) was given and the
trial was recorded as an error. Following the
participant’s response (or non-response), the next
trial was presented after a delay of 1 sec.
Reaction times (ms) and accuracy constituted the
dependent variables.</p>
      <p>Equipment: Response box, connected to a PC
running the E-Prime software 2.0 (Psychology
Software Tools, Inc., Pittsburgh, PA).
2.2</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-5">
      <title>Results</title>
      <p>A repeated measures ANOVA was performed
on the averaged correct response latencies and on
errors with the Condition (two levels (i.e.,
semantically related vs. unrelated) and the
Experimental List (3 levels, ON/V, AN/V and V/V) as
variables. Separate analyses were carried out for
participants and items, yielding F1 and F2
statistics, respectively.</p>
      <p>Data from two items (bombarda (he/she
bombs) and contagia (he/she infects) were
excluded from the analyses because they elicited a
number of errors exceeding the sample’s mean
more than 2.5 standard deviations.</p>
      <p>Data on reaction times (reported in Table 3)
revealed significant main effects of Condition
[F1(1,75)=21.3, p&lt;.01; F2(1, 55)=5,73, p&lt;.05]
and Experimental List [F1(2,150)=21.6, p&lt;.01;
F2(2, 55)=1.2, p&lt;.1].</p>
      <p>No significant interaction between the two
variables was observed.</p>
      <p>Interestingly, planned comparisons revealed
that the observed semantic priming effect is
mainly elicited by prime/target pairs sharing
grammatical class information: V/V Condition
(p&lt;.05). On the contrary, both conditions where
primes do not share grammatical class
information with the targets (i.e., AN/V and ON/V)
exhibit a weak semantic priming not reaching
statistical significance.
Related
Unrelated
On accuracy data (reported in Table 4) only a
significant effect of the Experimental List was
detected [F1(2,250) = 10.53, p&lt; .01; F2(2, 55) =
3.98, p &lt;.02].</p>
      <p>Our purpose here was to clarify whether
grammatical class works as an organizational
criterion of word representations within the
mental lexicon. In particular, we aimed at
demonstrating that words from different grammatical
classes tend to be processed differently by
speakers not only because of their differences in
terms of semantic categories they belong to
(actions vs. objects) or of semantic features
(imageability) but also because their lexical
representations specify their role as different parts of
speech.</p>
      <p>From an empirical point of view, our purpose
was to verify:</p>
      <p>- whether grammatical class information is
automatically activated when orthographic
representations of Italian verbs are accessed;</p>
      <p>- whether grammatical class effects can be
detected in tasks that do not explicitly require
syntactic integration processes, that is during the
processing of isolated words;</p>
      <p>- whether grammatical class effects are an
epiphenomenon of the semantic categories to which
nouns and verbs belong to or if they are truly
grammatical in nature.</p>
      <p>We addressed the issue by exploiting the
semantic priming effect, a robust and well-known
effect in word recognition consisting in the
advantage in lexical decision tasks exhibited by
target words when preceded by semantically
related primes and compared to an unrelated
baseline.</p>
      <p>Our experimental design was suitable to
investigate the problem for two main reasons:
- it allows to pre-activate a definite
linguistic feature, i.e. grammatical class
(nouns vs. verbs) information and/or a
semantic category (actions vs. objects),
and to observe whether such a property
can affect word processing;
- it rules out the intervention of any
confound due to syntactic integration
process because it focuses on lexical access
to single word representations.</p>
      <p>With that aim, we manipulated the congruency of
grammatical class in different kinds of
prime/target pairs. The rationale of the
experiment was the following: if grammatical class
informs lexical representation of words, its
preactivation through the prime should modulate the
expected effects of semantic priming.</p>
      <p>In order to specifically disentangle the role of
grammatical class from the influence of semantic
category of referents of nouns and verbs, we
observed the effect in different conditions:
grammatically congruent prime/target pairs,
prime/target pairs from incongruent grammatical
classes but both belonging to the semantic
category of actions, and prime/target pairs from
incongruent grammatical classes and different
semantic categories (objects for nouns and actions
for verbs).</p>
      <p>Our results showed that semantic priming is
effective only for prime/target pairs sharing
grammatical class information; much weaker effects
were detected for noun/verb pairs, regardless of
the semantic category of the referents.</p>
      <p>This pattern of data seems to indicate that
grammatical class informs lexical representations
in the orthographic input lexicon since its
preactivation through the prime modulates the
expected facilitation induced by semantically
related primes. In other words, grammatical class is
likely to be automatically activated during lexical
access to written representation of Italian verbs
and, in addition, it is effective during processing
of verbal forms presented outside a sentence
context. This effect seems to have a truly
grammatical basis as it is not elicited by grammatically
incongruent prime/target pairs. Moreover, in our
experiment the congruency of grammatical class
between prime and target does not interact with
the semantic similarity between prime and target:
this suggests that the two sources of information
affect the word recognition process with distinct
modalities.</p>
      <p>This pattern of data, although preliminary,
adds new challenging details to the debate about
lexical representation of grammatical class
information and provides evidence in favor of the
lexicalist models that conceive grammatical class
as an intrinsic property of the lexical
representation consulted during lexical access which is
necessarily and automatically accessed at least
during written word recognition processes.</p>
    </sec>
  </body>
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