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  <front>
    <journal-meta>
      <journal-title-group>
        <journal-title>CEUR Proceedings of the Workshop on Contexts in Philosophy - Paris, June</journal-title>
      </journal-title-group>
    </journal-meta>
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Ontology-Based Semantics</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Sandro Balletta</string-name>
          <email>sandro.balletta@edu.unito.it</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Minimalism</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>Univerità di Genova</institution>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <pub-date>
        <year>2017</year>
      </pub-date>
      <volume>20</volume>
      <issue>2017</issue>
      <fpage>6</fpage>
      <lpage>19</lpage>
      <abstract>
        <p>The present paper has a double purpose. Firstly, it attempts to illustrate how ontology enters the realm of truth-conditional model theoretic semantics. To this effect I will use Nicholas Asher's theory of predication and shall discuss some linguistic examples that are relevant for assessing this approach to predication. Secondly, the paper is intended to take into account the theory of predication so defined within the Minimalism/Contextualism debate. I shall conclude by arguing that we can envisage in such a theory a profitable position which shares characteristics form both Minimalism and Contextualism, that may be called Enriched Literalism.</p>
      </abstract>
      <kwd-group>
        <kwd />
        <kwd>Predication</kwd>
        <kwd>ontology</kwd>
        <kwd>Contextualism</kwd>
        <kwd>Nicholas Asher</kwd>
      </kwd-group>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>1. Introduction</title>
      <p>
        Minimalists like Borg (2004, 2012) and
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref7">Cappelen and Lepore (2005)</xref>
        argue that there
is a crisp distinction between semantics and pragmatics, namely between literal
meaning of linguistic items and speaker’s meaning. Literal meaning, on this view, is
given on the basis of the linguistic knowledge of speakers with respect to the context
of utterance. Context is needed in cases where sentences contain genuine
contextsensitive expressions like indexicals and demonstratives. This – along with
presemantic pragmatic processes – is the only case in which pragmatics enters the realm
of semantics. Importantly, literal meaning is not bound to be what we intuitively take
the speaker to have asserted.
      </p>
      <p>Consider the following sentences:
(1) a. John enjoyed the cigarette.
b. The bottle froze.</p>
      <p>c. John heard the piano.</p>
      <p>
        Sentences (1a-c) have a literal meaning which is given by the truth conditions and
which distances itself from the intuitive content we usually would attach to them.
Thus, (1a) means that John enjoyed the cigarette, but what kind of eventuality links
John to the cigarette is not part of the literal meaning of the sentence. (1b) means that
the bottle froze, even if its intuitive truth conditions arguably regard the liquid inside
the bottle. And (1c) means that John heard the piano, and not that John heard the
sound emitted by the piano, like we would intuitively say. In other words, intuitive
truth conditions and satisfaction conditions are not something semantics ought to
account for
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref7">(see Cappelen and Lepore 2005)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>
        On the contrary, contextualists like Recanati maintain that “we should do our best
to account for the intuitive truth- and satisfaction-conditions of utterances, and to that
effect we may have to liberalize the notion of meaning/content to the point of blurring
the semantics/pragmatics distinctions”
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref22">(Recanati 2010, p. 43; my italics)</xref>
        . Therefore,
according to Recanati, we should consider (1a-c) as expressing an enriched meaning
which contains that intuitive information minimalists typically reject. However,
because of this enrichment, such a meaning is deemed to be affected by pragmatic
processes even if the sentences do not contain genuine context-sensitive expressions:
they are affected by free pragmatic processes. Pragmatics is needed since the only
mastery of the language is viewed as being insufficient to produce such intuitive
meanings. On this view, literal meaning has not intuitive truth conditions.
      </p>
      <p>I want to suggest a way for having both a theory of literal meaning, namely a
semantics disentangled from pragmatics, and a theory which accounts for intuitive
truth conditions without blurring the semantics/pragmatics distinction. The result
would turn out to be an Enriched Literalism which shares with Borg, Cappelen and
Lepore the need of distinguishing semantics and pragmatics, and with Recanati the
wish of accounting for intuitive meanings. To this effect, I take on an extended
version of the typed lambda calculus for modeling predication.</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>2. Types and Predication</title>
      <p>
        Let us consider a formal model of predication1 which incorporates new and complex
equipment to the standard typed lambda calculus
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">(see Asher 2011)</xref>
        . Three important
features of this model of predication are i) more fine-grained subtypes of entities of
type E, ii) complex dot types (or • types) and iii) dependent types. These three
1 ‘Predication’, here, is meant in a broad sense and includes – besides the predication of a verb
to a subject or of a transitive verb to an object – adjectival modification, adverbial modification
and other ways of putting words together.
features are relevant for assessing how in a truth-conditional model theoretic
framework literal meaning comes enriched. Let us see what i), ii) and iii) are about.
      </p>
      <p>Firstly, it is worth saying from the outset that selectional restrictions of words in
compositional processes are taken seriously in the theory, thus predication is modeled
as type restricted β-reduction and, accordingly, lexical entries are modeled as typed
lambda terms. The introduction of subtypes of E is justified by the following semantic
anomalies:
(2) a. # The number 2 weighs 1 kilogram.</p>
      <p>b. # John is divisible by 5.</p>
      <p>
        If we assume that ‘The number 2’ denotes a particular abstract object and that ‘John’
denotes a particular concrete person, then the predications in (2a-b) turn out to be
malformed. The reason “is that there is a conflict between the demands of the
predicate for a certain type of argument and the type of its actual argument”
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">(Asher
2011, p. 6)</xref>
        . In order to give an account of the anomalies in (2a-b) an enrichment of
the type system with a suitable collection of subtypes of E is needed: basic types like
ABSTRACT-OBJECT (A) and PHYSICAL-OBJECT (P) – or even more fine-grained
types like NUMBER – are responsible for the anomalies in (2a-b). ‘Weighs 1
kilograms’ takes physical objects as argument, but not abstract objects like numbers.
Accordingly, the lambda term representing the predicate ‘weighs 1 kilogram’ imposes
a type presupposition on the argument it combines with: it requires an argument of
type P – which is in turn a subtype of E (P  E) – in order to yield a larger and
wellformed unit of meaning under the operation of β-reduction. Otherwise, the predication
fails to result in a truth-evaluable sentence. We simply do not know under what
conditions (2a) is true or false. Let us see a possible lambda term for ‘weighs 1
kilograms’:
      </p>
      <p>(3) λP : E ⇒ T λx : P (W1kg(x) ∧ P (x))
It is said that lambda terms impose restrictions due to the fact that they express type
presuppositions on their arguments. As it is clear from (3), such presuppositions are
encoded in lambda terms via the standard colon notation. Numbers are of type A, and
A  P =⊥,2 but (3) requires an argument of type P. that is why (2a) results
semantically malformed: an unresolvable type clash between the type presupposition
of the verb and the argument’s type occurred during the β-reduction. Mutatis
mutandis, the same considerations hold for (2b).3
2 This means that there are no objects of type A and P. In other words, such types are
incompatible.
To realize the importance of innovation (ii) let us consider now the following
sentences:
(4) a. My lunch weighs 1 kilogram.</p>
      <p>b. My lunch lasts two hours.</p>
      <p>
        Strangely, (4a-b) are both felicitous, even if the two lambda terms of the predicates
require arguments of different and incompatible types. ‘Weighs 1 kilograms’, as we
saw before, requires an argument of type P, whereas ‘lasts two hours’ requires an
argument of type EVENT (EVT); and P  EVT =⊥. Accordingly, a complex type is
introduced: the dot type α • β. Such a type is an underspecified type containing two
incompatible types: “which is selected in a predication depends on the type
restrictions imposed by the predicate on its arguments”
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">(Asher 2011, p. 131)</xref>
        . Nouns
like ‘lunch’ have two conceptualizations with different counting principles: lunches
are typically events but they are also meals and as such physical objects. The
ontological nature of lunches as events is different from the ontological nature of
lunches as objects. Hence, words like ‘lunch’ are conceived as logically polysemous
words.4 So, ‘lunch’ gets the type P • EVT. In (4a) the predicate selects the P aspect and
in (4b) the predicate selects the EVT aspect. The sentences in (4a-b) are true or false
in virtue of the different ontological status of the lunch; and selectional restrictions
seem to suggest that language encodes such ontological patterns. Sentence (4b), for
instance, is true if it is the event of eating the lunch that lasts two hours, and not the
lunch as physical object. On this view, the type checking is thus essential to the
correct construction of truth conditions. Asher calls such a phenomenon “aspect
selection” and nouns like ‘lunch’ “dual aspect nouns”. 5
3 Further evidences for considering linguistic expressions as selective devises come from
determiners. For instance, ‘much’ typically collocates with mass nouns whereas ‘many’ with
count nouns. MASS and COUNT are thus treated as basic types that can affect predication. In a
formula: all words express selectional restrictions on other words they combine with via type
presuppositions.
4 Albeit the interpretations of the word ‘lunch’ differ we easily detect that the two
interpretations are somehow conceptually related. This is what is commonly called logical
polysemy. In the cognitive tradition the term conceptual polysemy is often used: it “occurs when
a word form exhibits more than one distinct but related meaning conventionally associated with
it”
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">(Evans 2009, p. 30)</xref>
        . Clearly, there exist examples of accidental polysemy like in the case of
‘bank’, where the two different senses are not logically related.
5 ‘Book’, for instance, is another dual aspect noun of type P • INFORMATIONAL-OBJECT.
Such aspects are selected depending on the selectional restriction of the predicate at issue
(examples from
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">(Asher 2011, p. 86)</xref>
        ):
Finally, let us turn to consider the rationale behind dependent types following the
feature (iii) above. Consider the following examples:
(6) a. John enjoyed his lunch.
      </p>
      <p>b. John enjoyed the cigarette.</p>
      <p>
        Typically, ‘enjoy’ collocates with nouns that denote events; accordingly, it requires
that its argument be of type EVT. Since ‘lunch’ is of type P • EVT, the predicate
‘enjoy’ combines with ‘lunch’ selecting the EVT aspect, and hence the predication in
(6a) succeeds: the type presupposition is satisfied. However, verbs like ‘enjoy’ “and
other verbs that take syntactically given arguments of type e but that presuppose
arguments of eventuality type sometimes force a predication over an eventuality that
is related in some way to the denotation of the syntactically given argument”
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">(Asher
2011, p. 214)</xref>
        . This is the case in (6b). The word ‘cigarette’ is not of type EVT, it is of
type P. Therefore, the verb ‘enjoy’ forces the predication over an eventuality related to
the cigarette. (In this case, the type presupposition of the verb is justified – not
satisfied.)
      </p>
      <p>
        Why don’t we treat (6b) as an example of aspect selection? Because there are
compelling reasons for not considering ‘cigarette’ a dual aspect noun of type P • EVT.
Firstly, because it is unintuitive and misleading to consider cigarette as having a
second conceptualization in terms of events. Secondly, there are some linguistic
evidences
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">(see Asher 2011, p. 16)</xref>
        :
(7) a. The lunch starts at 12:30.
      </p>
      <p>b. ?? The cigarette starts at 12:30.</p>
      <p>
        If (7a) is felicitous on its own, (7b) needs an appropriate background of information in
order to express an eventuality reading of ‘cigarette’. Cigarettes are different in nature
from lunches. And the intuitions of native speakers seem to confirm that: if ‘cigarette’
“always has associated with it a possible event reading [i]t should then be possible to
access that appropriate event reading with other predicates that take events”
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">(Asher
2011, p. 15)</xref>
        . But it is not so.
      </p>
      <p>Dependent types come to the aid exactly at this point. When ‘enjoy’ takes an
argument of type P a type conflict arises, and an adjustment in predication occurs.
(5) c. The book is interesting.</p>
      <p>d. The book weighs five pounds.</p>
      <p>
        In (5c) ‘book’ expresses its informational aspect, whereas in (5d) its physical aspect.
There exist other ways in which a noun can be a dual aspect noun, like KIND • INDIVIDUAL
and KIND • MASS (see Asher (2011, Chap. 5)).
Therefore, verbs like ‘enjoy’ licenses a dependent type that is invoked when the direct
object is not of type EVT. Such a type ensures the shift in the predication from the
predication of a property to an object to the predication of a property to an eventuality
related to the object justifying the type presupposition. This is know in the literature
as coercion: “A function from one semantic value or one type to another that is
employed when some problem arises in the construction of meaning”
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref3">(Asher 2015, p.
66)</xref>
        . This means that there is sometimes room for a recovery from a type clash.
      </p>
      <p>The possibility of such a recovery is determined by the existence of an ontological
justification at the level of common sense. Basic and intuitive ontological
considerations constitute the ground for aspect selection and coercion. Namely,
cigarette are not events, but they typically involve the event of smoking them; and this
is something which is deeply embedded in our common sense ontology we share as
speakers of a language. Lunches are (also) events instead.6 However, one could say,
the exact eventuality of (6b) might be sometimes underspecified. For instance, John
might have enjoyed smoking, watching or smelling the cigarette. Nevertheless, the
ontological information associated with the noun usually provide a specification. The
fact that cigarettes get smoked – which is the main event involving them – is shared
among speakers as an essential fact about cigarettes. If someone does not share such a
knowledge, it would be hard to admit he really knows what a cigarette is. Consider
the following sentences for other clues (from Asher (2011, p. 215)):
(8) a. # Smith has begun the kitchen.</p>
      <p>b. The janitor has begun (with) the kitchen.
c. The cleaners have started the suits.
d. The exterminator has begun (with) the bedroom.</p>
      <p>
        e. The painters have finished the windows.
“Which eventualities end up being the internal arguments of the verbs begin, start,
and finish in [(8a-e)] is not just a function of the direct objects or the coercing
arguments themselves. The subject argument also plays an important role in
determining the eventuality internal arguments”
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">(Asher 2011, p. 215)</xref>
        . The eventuality
of (8a) is not specified because the ontological information associated with the word
‘Smith’ are not sufficient to provide a specification, and thus the predication is not
6 “[T]here are no coercions for some things. For instance, there is no general map from a
saturated abstract entity to a physical object”. That is why (2a) does not work.
“One could imagine the existence of such a map (many nominalists and physicalists try to
specify such a map), but the map isn’t well defined in our common sense metaphysics. A
coercion exists in a given typing context, if it can be established that a corresponding,
welldefined map at the level of denotations exists, given the information in that context”
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">(Asher
2011, p. 320)</xref>
        .
felicitous. This is not the case in sentences (8b-e). Therefore, sentence (8a) has not
truth conditions since the arguments do not suffice to specify the eventuality reading
of ‘kitchen’.
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>3. Ontology-Based Semantics</title>
      <p>
        We have said that predications fail to result in a truth-evaluable sentence if a type
clash with no coercing recovery occurs during the β-reduction. Importantly, we cannot
say whether a given sentence is true or false if a type presupposition of one of its parts
is not satisfied or justified (like in the case of coercion). On the other hand, we have
also seen that sentences express truth conditions on the basis of a well-defined type
checking. So, a truth-conditional model theoretic theory needs types – or something
similar – to fix truth conditions and construct linguistic meaning if shifts in
predication and semantic anomalies are to be accounted for. Having said that, what
kind of truth conditions does such a theory express? Before answering this question
the notion of type has to be scrutinized a bit further. Once we enrich the type system
with subtypes of E ⇒ T (like the type of physical property P ⇒ T), we are forced to
abandon the classical set theoretic interpretation of types due to Montague’s influence
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref18 ref2">(Muskens 2007, Asher 2014)</xref>
        . Accordingly, types must be considered as
hyperintentional entities. In so doing, we can distinguish the intension of an expression
from its type.7 We may consider types to be reflections of mind-independent
properties and individuals they are concepts of, in that they arise from the sensory
interaction with things that exist independently in the world. 8 Types reflect our
common sense ontology and form a well-defined hierarchy of common cognitive
material people exploit in order to communicate. We may therefore suppose that types
are a fundamental part of the common background or cognitive-lexical information
speakers share in conversation.
      </p>
      <p>Since types are hyper-intensional entities, they have a proof theoretic semantics and
not a model theoretic semantics; namely their content is expressed in terms of
introduction rules and inference rules: the subtyping relationship (), for instance,
which is hyper-intensionally understood, is explainable through an intuitionistic
notion of deduction, ⊢∆ . And:</p>
      <p>
        α β / α ⊢∆ β
7 “We can even distinguish between different conceptualizations of the same physical object or
of the same property, so in some respects the structure of types has the capacity to make finer
distinctions in meaning than intensional semantics can”
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">(Asher 2011, p. 44)</xref>
        .
8 See
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">(Asher 2014)</xref>
        for a discussion about the notion of tracking in virtue of which types are
reflections of properties and individuals.
Types therefore belong to the presuppositions that need to be shared for a sentence to
be accepted in the conversation and, specifically, type presuppositions have to be
satisfied or justified in order for a sentence to express truth conditions. Type
presuppositions work in a way similar to the presupposition generated by a definite
description
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12 ref9">(at least according to the presuppositional interpretations of definite
descriptions, like Heim 1983 or Elbourne 2013)</xref>
        : the sentence in which a definite
description appears acquires truth conditions only if the presupposed content is bound
or accommodated. Similarly for type presuppositions: the satisfaction or the
justification of type presuppositions is essential for the expression of truth conditions,
and since truth conditions are model theoretic objects, accordingly, types, which are
proof theoretic objects, affect the calculation of logical forms introducing new
contents.9 There is some evidence that type presuppositions and presupposed contents
(like presuppositions given by definite descriptions) work similarly: 1) both project
out of modal operators, 2) both are not redundant if stated within the sentence that
generates them and 3) it is impossible to make discourse continuations on both type
presuppositions and presupposed content. Both are not propositional contents of
sentences, although they are essential to evaluate a given propositional content true or
false.10
      </p>
      <p>In this way our common sense ontology enters the realm of truth-conditional
model theoretic semantics and allows us to calculate the shifts in meaning we have
seen in dual aspect nouns and coercing predicates. (See Asher (2011, Chap. 4) for a
technical demonstration).11 The shifts in meaning of the sort discussed above are
difficulty treatable in a pure model theoretic semantics. (Among other things, a
serious weakness is the impossibility of distinguishing logical from accidental
polysemy.) By contrast, logical forms are in the present framework more informative,
enriched and contain fine-grained shifts in meaning due to the introduction of our
common sense ontology via type presuppositions.</p>
      <p>
        As
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref19">Penco (2015</xref>
        , p. 421) maintains, “what is required by a semantic theory is [...]
how cognitive significance may affect our way of expressing and understanding
thoughts and thought components”, however, “whether to treat these procedures as
part of pragmatics of semantics is still an open question”. I want to try to suggest here
that coercions are parts of semantics.12 In doing so, we can keep together two
requests: the semantics/pragmatics distinction and the intuitive truth conditions. Fodor
9 “Viewed from this perspective, coercion in not really a problem about meaning change in the
lexicon; it’s a problem about compositionality”
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">(Asher 2011, p. 18)</xref>
        . More on this in section 4.
10 I am not claiming that type presuppositions are identical in all respects with presupposed
contents. I am suggesting to consider both type presuppositions and presupposed contents as
belonging to a more inclusive superordinate common background.
11 The proof theoretic semantics of types integrates the model theoretic semantics of intensions.
(A similar point is made in
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">(Luo 2014)</xref>
        .)
and Lepore (1988),
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">Borg (2004)</xref>
        ,
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref7">Cappelen and Lepore (2005)</xref>
        ,
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref22">Recanati (2010)</xref>
        ,
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">Jaszczolt (2016)</xref>
        and many others claim that shifts in meaning like that of dual aspect
nouns and coercing predicates belong to pragmatics and therefore a great deal of
contextual knowledge is needed in order to perform such inferences. On the contrary,
I claim that coercions and aspect selections are inferences based upon our linguistic
mastery of the language, and putting them on the side of semantics has many
advantages. Firstly, because speakers are often able to distinguish an automatic
interpretation like that of coercion from an inferential process of more complex nature
like conversational implicatures. Secondly, another important suggestion for
considering aspect selection and coercion part of semantics comes from the fact that
such processes are systematic, namely they occur following regular patterns. (Patterns
that can be modeled formally using, for instance, typed lambda calculus.)
      </p>
      <p>Apart from these clues, there are interesting linguistic tests supporting the idea
that certain information belong to the language itself. Coercing inferences are tied to
particular predicates and they are not always available:
(9) a. The painter enjoyed his brush.</p>
      <p>b. ?? The brush has just started.</p>
      <p>The eventuality reading of ‘brush’ is available in (9a), and not in (9b). This is a good
reason for believing that the information is tied to the verb ‘enjoy’: it a matter of
conventional, linguistic meaning. If in (9b) the word ‘brush’ has not an eventuality
reading is because the linguistic environment, which is driven by the type
presuppositions, does not allow for it. The same holds for the sentences we started
with:
(1) a. John enjoyed the cigarette.</p>
      <p>b. The bottle froze.</p>
      <p>c. John heard the piano.</p>
      <p>In (1b) the predicate ‘froze’ coerces the meaning of the sentence into the liquid inside
the bottle froze. That is because ‘freeze’ requires an object of type liquid, and since
bottles are ontologically associated to their liquid contents, we can derive an enriched
interpretation of (1b) which belongs to the language system itself – if we agree on the
fact that language relies on ontological features of reality speakers tend to presuppose
in conversation. Also in (1c) the literal meaning turns out to be enriched. Given the
ontological nature of the event of hearing and the object piano, we derive the intuitive
12 Until recently, there has been little interest in such a view. The research has tended to focus
on the pragmatic explanation.
meaning according to which John heard the sound emitted by the piano. Only sounds
can be literally heard, and since ‘piano’ is something essentially emits sounds, the
selectional restrictions of the language operate to yield the intuitive meaning
autonomously. Other readings are derivative and belong to side of speaker’s meaning.</p>
      <p>Let me now go back to the above question: what kind of truth conditions does such
a semantic theory express? Arguably, they are richer and more fine-grained. They are
intuitive, like Recanati justly requires them to do, in the sense that they match our
intuitions. In such an approach, however, logical polysemy and coercion is formally
treated and subtle meaning shifts are accounted for in a crisp and profitable way.
Semantics turns out to be beefed up. The common sense ontology behind the language
increases the explanatory capacity of model theoretic semantics.</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>4. Enriched Literalism: Between Minimalism and Contextualism</title>
      <p>In this fourth section I turn to consider a metatheoretical question: where does the
perspective here presented stand with respect to the Minimalism/Contestualism
debate?</p>
      <p>
        Minimalism and Contextualism are two big opposing research programs with
several different approaches inside them. However, for clarity’s sake, it is possible to
single out the pivotal points of disagreement. The dispute between Minimalism and
Contextualism centers on the scope of a theory of linguistic meaning and on the
notion of truth conditions
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15 ref20 ref21 ref8">(see Recanati 2004, Peter and Preyer 2005, Domaneschi
and Penco 2013, Jaszczolt 2016)</xref>
        . As I said above, from a minimalist point of view
there must be an important distinction between semantics and pragmatics, namely
between a theory of linguistic meaning – which is truth-conditional (after
linguistically triggered saturations) – and a theory of speaker’s meaning – which is
inferred from linguistic meaning via pragmatic processes of different nature. From a
contextualist point of view this distinction is deemed to be illusory, since
truthconditional content is considered to be affected by pragmatic processes that are not
linguistically and automatically triggered.
      </p>
      <p>Minimalists maintain that every sentence says something which is truth-conditional
(after linguistically triggered saturations), whereas contextualists maintain that no
sentence says anything which is truth-conditional, only the speaker does. Accordingly,
two different notions of truth conditions have to be disentangled. Minimalism
accounts for liberal truth conditions, which are separated from speakers’ intuitions;
whereas Contextualism accounts for intuitive truth conditions, which, on the contrary,
express speakers’ intuitions.</p>
      <p>Accordingly, besides the two notions of truth conditions, two different notions of
what is said emerge from such a picture. A contextualist, typically, means by what is
said something like what has intuitive truth-conditional content (WISint). And such a
truth-conditional content is deemed to be affected by free pragmatic processes which
are not linguistically triggered. On the other hand, a minimalist refers to another
notion of what is said, namely what is literally said without intuitive contents
(WISmin with liberal truth conditions).</p>
      <p>For Borg and Cappelen and Lepore there is a sharp distinction between semantics
and pragmatics, and a semantic theory is deemed to account for liberal truth
conditions: “the constraint we want are pretty minimal” (Borg 2005, p. 3). Semantics
is disentangled from both metaphysical constraints and communicative skills. On the
contrary, for contextualists like Recanati and Jaszczolt our theory has do to account
for intuitive truth-conditions of utterances. To that effect, they add, we may have to
abandon the notion of literal meaning and weaken the semantics/pragmatics
distinction.</p>
      <p>We have here a methodological alternative: if a theory of meaning accounts for
liberal truth conditions (WISmin), then it allows for a theory-internal distinction
between semantic, literal meaning and pragmatic, speaker’s meaning. On the contrary,
if a theory of meaning accounts for intuitive truth conditions (WIS int) such a
distinction is doomed to fail, since every intuitive, truth-conditional content is
affected by pragmatic processes which are not linguistically triggered. I argue that this
is not the case and that the alternatives presented by Recanati are not so as binding as
they seem. Indeed, I maintain that the distinction between semantics and pragmatics is
still tenable in a theory of meaning that addresses intuitive truth conditions, provided
some constraints given by the present proposal.</p>
      <p>The introduction of the ontology-based approach inside the model theoretic
conception of meaning allows us to construct enriched logical forms which include
intuitive contents derived by the conceptual structure embedded in language. Words
which express type presuppositions sometimes force interpretations and language
itself provides to give enriched meanings. Therefore, this does not prevent us from
considering such a theory overtly a theory of literal, encoded, linguistic meaning of
sentences. As far as this fact is concerned, I agree with minimalists, since a theory of
linguistic meaning separated from a theory of speaker’s meaning is achievable in the
way proposed above in section 2. At the same time a theory of linguistic meaning,
expressing enriched meanings, de facto expresses intuitive truth conditions, as spelled
out by WISint: coercionsm and aspect selections can be considered to be part of
semantics.13
13 Such a theory works insofar as words are linked to conceptual material speakers share as
essential ontological features of reality. Consider the following sentences:
(10) a. John is ready.</p>
      <p>b. The shooter is ready.
As we have seen, different ways of conceptualizing the same object are deeply
interwoven with semantics and predicational processes. What derives from this
perspective is thus a wide idea of semantics: a semantics that spells out intuitive, rich
contents and encodes conceptual patterns. However, we may keep a useful distinction
between semantics and pragmatics. It looks as though we have found an Enriched
Literalism between Minimalism and Contextualism.</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-5">
      <title>5. Conclusion</title>
      <p>The considerations in the this paper have led me to some conclusions. As we saw
discussing an extended version of the typed lambda calculus for predication, the
mechanism of compositionality has to be enriched and transformed in a sophisticated
device capable of spelling out subtle shifts in meaning formally. I contend that the
semantic approach to aspect selection and coercion fares better then the pragmatic
one. Cheafly, I clam that the pragmatic approach fails to give the right importance to
crucial intuitions of common speakers. The sole relation of words within sentences
could be the sole cause of an intuitive truth-conditional shift in meaning produced in
an automatic and systematic fashion. We do not need to trot out complex pragmatical
explanations here.</p>
      <p>
        Crucially, this implies the reformulation of the classical principle of
compositionality. A widespread belief within the contemporary philosophy of
language is that the linguistic meaning of a complex expression is function of the
meanings of its parts and depends on the way they are structured. Therefore, the
meanings of the parts, whatever they are, do not change depending on the elements
they combine with
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref22">(Recanati 2010, Chap. 1)</xref>
        . As I have shown, this is not entirely
true. I claim – following Asher’s insights – that the linguistic meaning of a complex
expression is function of the meanings of its parts and depends both on the way they
are structured and on the type checking they undergo.
      </p>
      <p>Coercions and aspect selection are examples of lateral influences that seem to
compel us to give away the classical principle of compositionality. The account of
subtypes, dot types and dependent types in structuring the meaning of our words
permits to organize a formal treatment of subtle semantic contents that are strongly
tied to sentences within a sophisticated principle of compositionality.</p>
      <p>If in (10a) words do not suffice to determine intuitive truth conditions – we do not know what
John is ready for – in (10b) things change. Due to the ontological nature of shooters, who
essentially shoot, language forces the interpretation over such an event, since ‘is ready’ requires
an object which is ready for doing something. Of the name ‘John’ we do not share enough
information for determining what John might be ready for. On this view, semantics comes
maximalized.
To sum up. Words exhibit pre-conditions which produce presuppositions. Type
presuppositions are ontological features words deploy in order to collocate in
wellformed predications. The meaning which emerges from a predication is affected
through restrictions and forced modifications by the shared cognitive material which
reflects our common sense ontology. The main consequences of this are the
supplementation of the classical Minimalism/Contextualism debate with Metaphysical
Semanticism and the enrichment of the classical principle of compositionality with
lateral influences of type presuppositions. A new scenario with new equipment seems
possible. It takes the best from both Minimalism and Contextualims, and represents a
valid alternative for the study of meaning in composition.</p>
    </sec>
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