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  <front>
    <journal-meta>
      <journal-title-group>
        <journal-title>I. (2012). +10! Gamification and deGamification- GAME Journal [Online] Available at:
http://www.gamejournal.it/plus10_gamification</journal-title>
      </journal-title-group>
    </journal-meta>
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Play as a Modelling System - a Semiotic Analysis of the Overreaching Prestige of Games</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>Mattia Thibault University of Turin Italy</institution>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <pub-date>
        <year>2017</year>
      </pub-date>
      <fpage>9</fpage>
      <lpage>10</lpage>
      <abstract>
        <p>This paper aims at using the tools of semiotic analysis and semiotics of play in order to re-organise and specify the terminology surrounding the concept of gamification. In the first part, we propose an overview on the different theories and ideologies surrounding the topic, and we will underline the strengths and contradictions of the different approaches. In the second part we will propose a semiotic approach to the topic, drawing from Lotman's semiotics of culture, in order to redefine more precisely the different actions and metaphors related to the implementation of game and play mechanics in ordinary life contexts.</p>
      </abstract>
      <kwd-group>
        <kwd>Semiotics</kwd>
        <kwd>modelling systems</kwd>
        <kwd>gamification</kwd>
        <kwd>playfication</kwd>
        <kwd>metaphor</kwd>
      </kwd-group>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>1. Gamification: Theories and Ideologies</title>
      <p>In this paper we will propose a semiotic reading of the concepts of “gamification” and “playfication”,
trying to deconstruct the rhetorics that are behind the coinage of these expressions, and to shed some
light on the meaning-processes that subsume them. In order to do so, we will adopt the perspective of
semiotics of culture, elaborated by Juri Lotman within the Tartu-Moskow Semiotic school (see also
Thibault 2016b).</p>
      <p>
        From the point of view of semiotics of culture, play can be defined as a modelling system
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">(Lotman
2011)</xref>
        . Lotman uses this term to indicate languages in a broad sense: natural languages (as Russian,
French etc.) are primary modelling systems, while other languages such as poetry, painting, street
signals, cinema and, of course, play, are secondary modelling systems system
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">(Lotman 1974; 1990)</xref>
        .
The key feature of modelling systems lies in the twofold nature of the word “model”, which indicates
at the same time a replica of something and its archetype. Modelling systems, hence, are languages
capable of describing reality (model-replica), but, at the same time, they also influence its perception
and conceptualisation (model-archetype). Not all modelling systems have the same ability to describe
or influence reality: they have different “modelling abilities”. If cinema, for example, is able to
describe extensively our reality and to influence our forms of life, miniature painting has a very limited
modelling ability: it describes only some very specific aspects of reality and it is enjoyed by a rather
small group of people. The modelling ability of a language is in no way correlated with its factual
importance in human societies – the programming languages on which the society of information is
based upon are unknown to most – but it is related to the perception of its cultural importance. This
concept may be particularly useful, in our argumentation, because we will engage how and why the
modelling ability of play has nowadays reached unprecedented levels.
      </p>
      <p>
        Nowadays the unprecedented prestige of games is not limited to academia (which has consecrated them
as a respectable area of study) but it extends to many fields. Blogs dedicated to gaming are becoming
mainstream (let's think at Kotaku or at Rock, Paper, Shotgun) and also traditional newspapers often
feature columns dedicated to digital games. Despite the fact that “video games” are not always
regarded kindly – there is a fatwa against Pokémon Go (Niantic, 2016) and there is still occasional
blame on games in the aftermath of every teenage mass shooting – the apocalyptic
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref3">(Eco 1964)</xref>
        approach to play seems to be fading.
      </p>
      <p>
        Symptomatic of this fact is the phenomenon of gamification, which is the implementation of game
mechanics and dynamics to non-playful activities. The term “gamification” originated in the digital
media industry in 2008, become a buzzword in the 2010s, while the interest around it peaked in
20122013. The supporters of this sort of operations claim that gamified activities are able to engage
participants in new ways and to motivate them to do tasks that they are not so eager to undertake – in
semiotic terms, games can be used to make activities more seductive
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref7">(see Barthes 1975, but also Idone
Cassone &amp; Viola 2016)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>
        The areas in which gamification has probably been used the most are education and learning, were
game mechanics are supposed to recall the students' passion for digital games and to spur them to study
with more dedication. Manuals such as Salen (2007) and
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">Kapp (2012)</xref>
        propose methods, strategies and
instructions for teachers that want to implement gamification to their teaching activities and are
becoming increasingly popular.
      </p>
      <p>Business too has immediately seen the potential of gamification, and studies on the topic have
immediately followed. Books such as Werbach and Hunter (2012) and Viola (2011), in the attempt to
systematize the different ways games can be used to improve business activities, proceed to
quasiacademic analysis of the structure, components, mechanics and dynamics of games that, although
somewhat shallow, can still be quite insightful.</p>
      <p>These passionate approaches to gamification, nevertheless, have often faced criticism. Gamification
experts themselves have, with time, rejected some of the mainstream theories and techniques that were
popular at the very beginning – such as the centrality of the “Points, Badges, Leader-boards” trinity and
the reductionist idea of a “dopamine loop” – and even started to question the morality of using
addictive game mechanics. In response of these growing negative connotations, several designers
started to use different terms to describe their activities, such as “gameful design” or “design for
playful interactions”.</p>
      <p>
        For example, game designer Jane McGonigall, who focuses on how play can be used to promote health
and social change, claimed that “we don't need no stinkin' badges” (the title of her presentation at the
Game Developers Conference of 2011). In her book Reality is broken
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">(McGonigall 2011)</xref>
        , the author
claims that, in a world that is more and more populated by “gamers”, games shouldn't be designed
simply for escapist entertainment, but should aim at improving the quality of life of the players. To this
aim, McGonigall applies the principles of gamification to unusual fields such as post-illness and
posttrauma recovery in her project “Superbetter”. Similar initiatives have also been undertaken by the
Games for Health movement that promotes a series of conferences and since 2012 has its
homonymous, academic journal.
      </p>
      <p>
        Nevertheless, the efficacy of these methods is still debated: a recent study
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6">(Hamari, Koivisto &amp; Sarsa
2014)</xref>
        points out that much of gamification's positive effects are greatly dependent on the context in
which the method is implemented, as well as on the final users themselves. In other words,
gamification appears to have a much more restricted efficacy that many of its proponent are willing to
accept.
      </p>
      <p>Other criticisms are moved also from ideological standpoints, for example opposing the idea that
games should be used for non-playful purposes. In an amusing and witty article a group of game
scholars counter-attack the “games for health” paradigm with its contrary: a “games against health”
movement that ironically promotes a game design that ruins the players' health.</p>
      <p>
        The games against health movement embraces player preference as a critical part of player agency,
arguing that we may more readily achieve a wholesome game culture by responding to what is enjoyed
by players rather than what is prescribed by well-meaning HCI researchers who take the position of
benevolent emancipators come to correct the players. The GAH movement therefore rejects the
antagonistic and incongruous use of games to improve health, and promotes an alignment with a more
organic function of games as they have come to be accepted and understood by the players: as
potentially sociopathic health-destroying technologies
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">(Linehan, Harrer, Kirman, Lawson &amp; Carter
2015: 590)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>
        The first serious attempt to map and analyse the phenomenon of gamification was proposed in
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">(Deterding, Kahled, Nacke &amp; Dixon 2011)</xref>
        , when the use of the term was still confused and unclear.
The authors propose the definition of what we shall call a “gamification strictu sensu”: “Gamification
is the use of game design elements in non-game contexts.” (Ibid.: 2). This definition excludes the
implementation of playful elements that are not “characteristic of games” (a definition that also the
authors define as in need of more debate) and therefore substantially different from “playful design”,
“playful interactions” and “design for playfulness”. Nevertheless, the authors recognise that, in
practice, gamified application will often give rise to playful behaviours and mindsets. Furthermore,
underlining the fact that it only encompasses elements of games, this definition also draws a border
between gamification and serious games – full games with educative purposes.
      </p>
      <p>
        Other definitions of gamification, however, can be less strict, let's think at the works of the
Gamification Lab of Lüneburg University, well summarized in
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">(Fuchs, Fizek, Ruffino, and Schrape
2014)</xref>
        . This second approach describes a more playful idea of gamification, that aims at distancing
games from mere measurements by focusing more closely on the necessity of a playful mindset in
order to play games
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">(see also Fuchs 2012)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>
        Finally, there is a third conceptualisation of gamification, the broadest one, which is still pervasive,
even if difficultly identifiable with one single author. It is the trend of considering as gamified every
interactive system that makes large use of metrics or infographics, such as the rating system of eBay
and some of LinkedIn's features. This inclination of gamification towards a generalisation that deprives
the term of meaning is still quite widespread, despite the fact that many advocates of gamification have
tried to counteract it – e.g. Werbach's last rule of gamification “don't forget the fun” (Werbach and
Hunter, 2012) which urges gamificators to remember that they are not simply designing rule-systems.
A reaction to the more rule-oriented applications of gamification has also been the introduction of the
competitor term “playification”, which originated from researches on “meaningful gamification” (such
as Nicholson 2012 and 2013) – which focused more on experiences than on scores – and on
“meaningful play” (Scott 2012) – play activities designed to have specific educational objectives.
Playification is still a rather blurred and unknown concept, broadly suggesting that play can be
exploited for promoting social change, and stressing the importance of fun, freedom and sociality. Due
to the difficulty in describing what is, or not, playful, however, many playified systems end up
encompassing areas that are only tangentially playful – if playful at all – such as “sexual arousing”,
“sharing emotional feelings” or “being part of a larger structure”
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14">(examples taken from the PLEX cards
ideated by Andrès Lucero; see Lucero and Arrasvuori 2010)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>Despite the fact that gamification does not automatically involve playification (Mosca 2012), the latter
seems to rely heavily on its assumptions. Apart from the stress on the “emotional” nature of games, its
theorists still connote play as something inherently meaningless, that should be harnessed and
transformed in “meaningful play” by designers in order to “trick” the end users and make them do
things that they normally wouldn't. In order to distinguish themselves from the most playful forms of
gamification, then, the proponents of the term “playification” use play as a universal metaphor, in
virtue of its prestige, while applying several design strategies that not always involve play.</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>2. A Semiotic Take</title>
      <p>
        For now, semiotics has dealt only marginally with gamification: the works on the subject are rather
few, often hesitant and still in a development phase
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1 ref7">(see d'Afflon 2012; Idone Cassone &amp; Viola 2016;
and Thibault 2016a)</xref>
        . We will, nevertheless, try to shed some light on the different rhetorics involved in
the conceptualisations of “gamification” and “playification” proposed above, connecting them with the
idea of modelling ability and filtering them through the metalanguage of a semiotic theory of play.
First of all, the differences between the rhetorics listed above appear particularly meaningful. While
they are all based on the attempt of studying and exploiting the grown modelling ability of play, the
ways in which they outline the meaningful features of play that should be imitated are very different.
The approach based on gamification strictu sensu adopts an idea of games that is very common also in
game studies: a formalist approach that sees in the existence of a system of rules regulating the effort to
reach an unnecessary goal as all is needed to have a game. This approach is particularly
counterproductive if applied to gamification. The latter is an attempt to recreate some features of games
but aiming at a real life objective: in this way the only specific element that differentiates games – the
objective – would disappear and gamifying would simply mean to implement a system of rules. This
approach to gamification, therefore, would end up proposing rulebooks and computer programs that
imitate digital games without having any playful feature in common with them.
Nevertheless, the proponents themselves recognise that the gamified application would involve also the
use of a playful mindset anyway, partially denying the distinction between play and games that they
drew themselves, in order to protect the peculiarity of games.
      </p>
      <p>
        The definition of the term “gamification” by
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">(Deterding, Kahled, Nacke &amp; Dixon 2011)</xref>
        , on the
contrary, is very effective and probably the sharpest and the most scientific one. It individuates two of
the main characteristics of the phenomenon. On the one hand, the reason of its success as a buzzword,
which is based on the influence of the idea of “game” (more prestigious than that of “play”, which is
still surrounded by some stigma) and on its connections with the digital – another modelling system at
the centre of our semiosphere
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">(Lotman 2009)</xref>
        . On the other hand, its main weakness: the currently
exceedingly narrow focus on the rules, which risks transforming gamification in a dry process of
regulation and grammaticalisation.
      </p>
      <p>The rhetoric of playification, therefore, has indeed more potential, as it recognises that the compelling
and immersive nature of games is not determined by the numeric value of a score – or by the difficulty
to obtain it – but by the challenge originated by the resemantisation and refunctionalisation of reality
proposed by play. Nevertheless, the lack of a solid definition of play weakens greatly this approach,
that oscillates between being an inflated version of gamification and indicating a very vague set of
experiences and activities. This reveals the reactionary nature of this rhetoric, but it does not erase the
importance of its main assumption: that playfulness can indeed be used to act on every-day life and
change it.</p>
      <p>
        The idea of a “playful gamification” proposed by Fuchs, is in between the two previous approaches.
Despite the fact that it does not clearly separate the two processes – creating a system of rules and
encouraging a playful behaviour
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">(Lotman 2011)</xref>
        – this approach has the virtue of focusing on how acts
of design can effectively use games and play to attain their objectives. If mere gamification gives birth
to dull systems of rules and pure playification is uncontrollable (as it would not direct in any way the
action of the players) the mix of the two can indeed be used to guide users to a predetermined path in a
playful and apparently free way.
      </p>
      <p>
        Last but not least, the broader rhetoric of gamification – which considers any interactive form of
measurement and tracking as being “gameful” – ceases to be prescriptive and becomes merely
descriptive. In other words, it is not any more an attempt to design activities that contain game
elements or involve a playful behaviour, but it is the tendency to see game elements in measurement
devices and systems of tracking with good graphics that have, in fact, nothing to do with games or play.
This endeavour, however, is particularly revealing of the hight modelling ability that games has
reached, as it is symptomatic of a will to label as games also things that are not – a dynamic that
Lotman describes in depth in his theory of the semiosphere
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">(Lotman 2009)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>After this brief analysis, we can, therefore, propose our own definition of these different terms. As the
different terminologies have often been used aiming at the promotion of design methodologies or
activities, we should try to reframe them starting, not from the words, but from the things that they
describe. We can distinguish, then, between three activities:
-The use of game-like systems of rules in order to add value and engagement to a non-playful activity.
We shall call this activity “gamification” and it reflects the modelling ability of games, which
overshadows that of play.
-A resemantisation of ordinary life activities or objects disconnected from any use-value, in ordinary
life contexts. We will name this activity “playification” and, in its pure form, it encompasses
phenomena like parkour (which resemantise the urban space in an obstacle course, but still with the
objective of crossing the city see Thibault 2016) or trolling (which resemantise serious online
conversations in pranks).
-The use of play and/or games as a metaphor capable of describing several aspects of human life and
society that are not, in principle, playful. This is using play as a metalanguage, and is based on the
replicating feature of its modelling ability. In other words, their efficaciousness as a tool for describing
the world is perceived so strongly that there are attempts to transform it in a universal metaphor,
capable of describing every aspect of existence.
Many of the projects and activities generically labelled as “gamification” are, in fact, a mixture of these
three actions aiming at guiding the users through constraints, motivate them with resemantisation, and
using the contemporary prestige of games as an added value for their efficacy.</p>
      <p>Our redefinition of the terms has, first of all a descriptive goal. We have tried to make some clarity on a
still confused area and to differentiate the metaphorical use of the term (due to a ludicisation of culture
that makes it particularly effective) and the different operations that can be deployed in order to
increase the seductive power of an activity: the use of game-like systems of rules (gamification) and
the exploitation of the vertigo of play (playfication). Such clarity, we believe, can be helpful both for
the study of these phenomena and for the creation of gamified or playified activities.
Nicholson, S. (2012). Strategies for meaningful gamification: Concepts behind transformative play and
participatory museums. Presented at Meaningful Play2012. Lansing, Michigan. [Online] Available at:
http://scottnicholson.com/pubs/meaningfulstrategies.pdf Last accessed 09/12/2016
Salen, K. (2007). The Ecology of Games: Connecting Youth, Games, and Learning. MIT press.
Scott, A. (2012). Meaningful play, How play is changing the future of our health. IDSA education
symposium Boston.</p>
      <p>Thibault, M. (ed.) (2016a). Gamification Urbana: Letture e Riscritture ludiche degli spazi cittadini.
Aracne.</p>
      <p>Thibault, M, (2016b). Lotman and play: For a theory of playfulness based on semiotics of culture. Sign
Systems Studies 44(3), 295-325.</p>
      <p>Viola, F. (2011). Gamification. I videogiochi nella vita quotidiana. Arduino Viola editore.
Werbach K. &amp; D. Hunter (2012). For the win, How Game Thinking Can Revolutionize Your Business.
Wharton Digital Press.</p>
    </sec>
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