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  <front>
    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Amplifying signals of misunderstanding improves coordination in dialogue</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Gregory Mills</string-name>
          <email>g.j.mills@rug.nl</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Gisela Redeker</string-name>
          <email>g.redeker@rug.nl</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>Centre for Language &amp;</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>Cognition Groningen (CLCG)</addr-line>
          ,
          <institution>University of Groningen</institution>
          ,
          <country country="NL">Netherlands</country>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <abstract>
        <p>We report a dialogue task which investigates how the mechanisms of miscommunication contribute toward referential coordination. Participants communicate via a text-based instant messaging tool which is used to identify turns that were edited prior to sending. These turns are transformed by the server into artificial selfcorrections, and sent to the participants. The patterns observed in the dialogues show that these interventions have a beneficial effect on referential coordination.</p>
      </abstract>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>1 Introduction</title>
      <p>
        A central finding in research on dialogue is that
interlocutors rapidly converge on referring
expressions
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1 ref9">(Krauss and Weinheimer, 1966; Clark,
1996)</xref>
        , which become progressively, contracted,
systematized and abstract. This occurs for a
wide range of referents, e.g. when
describing spatial locations
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">(Garrod and Doherty, 1994)</xref>
        ,
music
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6">(Healey et al., 2007)</xref>
        , conceptual
structures
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14">(Schwartz, 1995; Voiklis, 2012)</xref>
        , confidence
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">(Fusaroli et al., 2012)</xref>
        , temporal sequences
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11 ref16">(Mills,
2011; Verhoef et al, 2016)</xref>
        , and also when
describing how to manipulate physical objects (Shirozou,
2002). Systematization of referring expressions
also occurs across modalities - in spoken
interaction
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">(Pickering and Garrod, 2004)</xref>
        , text-based
interaction (Healey and Mills, 2006) and in
graphical, mediated interaction (Healey, 2001).
      </p>
      <p>
        The development of systematicity is not
simply due to the coordination problem of creating a
novel referring expression: once referring
expressions have been used successfully, they continue
to develop
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref7">(Garrod, 1999; Healey, 2004)</xref>
        . This
pattern is observed both when interlocutors are
faced with the task of describing unfamiliar
referents using novel referring expressions
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref3">(Galantucci, 2005)</xref>
        , as well as in situations where
interlocutors already possess referring expressions and
concepts that are sufficient for uniquely
individuating the referents
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">(Pickering and Garrod, 2004)</xref>
        .
Even when the names of the referring expressions
are given experimentally, as in the map task
(Anderson et al., 1991), interlocutors coordinate on
the semantics of their referring schemas
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">(Larsson,
2007)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>
        Cumulatively, these findings suggest that
processing that occurs in dialogue places important
constraints on the semantics of referring
expressions. However, there is currently no consensus
about how best to account for how convergence
develops. The iterated learning model of
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">Kirby et
al (2002</xref>
        ) explains convergence as arising out of
individual speakers’ cognitive biases - simply being
exposed to another’s linguistic output should yield
more abstract descriptions. The interactive
alignment model
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">(Pickering and Garrod, 2004)</xref>
        proposes that convergence arises as a consequence
of mutual priming and alignment, while the
collaborative model of
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">Clark (1996)</xref>
        emphasizes the
role of positive feedback. One central problem
with these accounts is that the basic mechanisms
they propose are inherently conservative
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref7">(Healey,
2004)</xref>
        . Once a particular form is the most
successfully and widely used by members of a group,
there is no mechanism to explain how it might
be supplanted by another. Yet interlocutors
continue to develop more systematized descriptions
throughout the interaction.
      </p>
      <p>
        Further, a series of experiments (Healey and
Mills, 2006; Mills and Healey, 2008) suggest
that the development of abstraction can be driven
by participants encountering and resolving
problematic understanding. In these experiments,
participants played an online version of the
maze game
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">(Pickering and Garrod, 2004)</xref>
        and
communicated via an experimental chat-tool
which inserts artificial clarification requests into
the interaction. The clarification requests appear,
to participants, to originate from each other. For
example in the following conversation between
two participants A and B , the second turn “row?”
is an artificial turn produced by the server, but
appears to originate from participant B.
      </p>
      <p>A: Go to the 3rd row 1st box
B: row? (produced by the server)
A: yeah from the top
When participants received these interventions,
they produced less abstract descriptions.
However, once the interventions stopped, participants
subsequently used more abstract descriptions than
participants who had received no interventions
(Mills, 2015).</p>
      <p>In a subsequent experiment (Healey, Mills,
Eshghi, 2013) , this methodology was used to
automatically detect naturally occurring
clarification requests and transform them into more severe
signals of miscommunication. For example in the
following conversation between two participants
A and B, B’s clarification request “5th?” is
intercepted and transformed into “what?” and
sent to A.</p>
      <p>
        A: go to the 5th row 2nd square
B: 5th? (intercepted by server)
B: what? (transformed turn sent to B)
A: yeah from the top
Notice that this transformation reduces the
diagnostic specificity of the clarification request; A has
less evidence of B’s level of (mis)understanding.
Since there is an expectation that a conversational
partner should provide diagnostic information
that is sufficient to resolve misunderstanding
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">(Clark, 1996)</xref>
        , this manipulation makes it appear
to A that B is experiencing more difficulty than
is actually the case. Participants who received
these artificially amplified clarification requests
also converged on more abstract descriptions than
participants in a baseline condition.
      </p>
      <p>Taken together, these results suggest that (1)
When interlocutors encounter problematic
understanding, they initially decrease the level of
abstraction of their referring expressions, allowing
them to identify and diagnose the nature of the
misunderstanding, and (2) Once the problem has
been resolved, this subsequently allows the
participants to coordinate on even more abstract and
systematized referring expressions.</p>
      <p>However, these experiments have focused
solely on ”trouble” that is signalled in
clarification requests about the content of another’s turns,
i.e. in ”other-initiated” repair (Schegloff, 2007). It
is currently unclear whether negative evidence in
self-repair might also have an effect on the
development of abstract referring conventions.
2</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>Method</title>
      <p>To investigate in closer detail how negative
evidence might contribute toward convergence,
we report a variant of the maze-task. Here too,
participants communicate with each other via
an experimental chat tool which automatically
transforms participants’ private turn-revisions into
public self-repairs that are made visible to the
other participant. For example, if a participant, A
types:
A: Now go to the square on the
left, next to the big block on
top</p>
      <p>and then before sending, A revises the turn to:
A: Now go to the square on the
left, next to the third column
The chat server automatically detects the
left-most boundary of the edited portion of the
turn and inserts a hesitation marker (e.g. “umm”
or “uhhh” immediately preceding the revision),
followed by the text that was deleted. This would
yield the following turn, sent to B: :</p>
      <p>A: Now go to the square on the
left, next to the big block on
top umm..I meant next to the
third column</p>
      <p>Two self-repair formats were used:</p>
      <sec id="sec-2-1">
        <title>A: original turn + hesitation marker + reformulated turn</title>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-2-2">
        <title>A: original turn + hesitation marker + ‘‘I meant’’ + reformulated turn</title>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>Results</title>
      <p>Interventions were performed symmetrically on
both members of a dyad. No participants reported
detecting the experimental manipulation.
Examining the transcripts showed that participants who
received these transformed turns used more
abstract Cartesian location descriptions than
participants in a baseline condition. This pattern was
already apparent after 5 minutes in the task. Task
performance followed a different pattern initially
participants who received these interventions
performed worse completing fewer mazes and
requiring more moves to solve each maze. However, by
the end of the task, participants who received the
interventions performed at the same level as
participants in the baseline condition. Crucially,
participants who received the transformed turns
continued to use more abstract descriptions.
4</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>Discussion &amp; Conclusions</title>
      <p>The patterns observed in the maze game dialogues
show that the interventions have a beneficial
effect on semantic coordination. However, it is
currently unclear how the constituent components
of the self-repairs contributed: It could be that
this effect is due entirely to the hesitation
markers. Conversely, it is possible that this effect
is due solely to participants reading the deleted
text. If so, it is possible that the deleted text
provides additional information about the other’s
level of (mis)understanding. It could also be that
the deleted text makes the dialogue less coherent,
forcing participants to compensate for the
perturbation caused by the interventions.</p>
      <p>Since participants encountered multiple
interventions per trial, it is not possible to distinguish
between the effects of the individual components.
However, in aggregate we argue that the artificial
self-repairs having a beneficial effect of
amplifying naturally occurring signals of
miscommunication: the artificially generated disfluencies and
reformulations are used by participants as cues
that their partner is having difficulty coordinating
on the semantics of referring expressions.
Consequently, participants expend more effort to
address these problems and once these problems
have been identified and resolved, dyads are able
to converge quicker on more stable and more
abstract referring schemas.</p>
    </sec>
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