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    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Interruptions as Speech Acts</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Peter Wallis</string-name>
          <email>pwallis@acm.org</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Bruce Edmonds</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>Centre for Policy Modelling Manchester Metropolitan University</institution>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <abstract>
        <p>This paper introduces a model of human communication in which `accounting-for' is the basis of meaning, and argues that interruptions should be handled in the same way as any other speech act. The model has at its core the idea that human languages are inherently intentional { we focus on our conversational partner's goals { and that what is needed is mixed initiative at the level of intent. It would seem interruptions can rea rm or contradict the speaker's current intent and the paper nishes with a description of our (very) shallow approach to intention recognition.</p>
      </abstract>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>Introduction</title>
      <p>
        A speech interface for robots and computers has been part of the AI vision from
the very beginning but after 50 years of trying it turns out that talking, like
walking, is far more complex than the early visionaries anticipated. Over the
last few years, large corporations with commensurate research budgets have
decided the technology has come of age, but their approach to dialog management
however is hardly more sophisticated than chat-bots. These corporations
certainly employ the best and brightest but following perhaps the Microsoft foray
with the Desktop Assistant (the Paper-Clip) commercial ventures in the area
tend to be conservative. Google Assistant and Siri basically perform internet
searches and Amazon Echo is primarily a home automation controller. Indeed it
is interesting to note that, when the Amazon Echo needs to interrupt the user,
it does it via the well understood mechanism of setting an alarm. Technically
Alexa could say "Excuse me it has been 10 minutes" but instead the Echo plays
a ring tone. The Echo does this because, as we discovered in 2008 when we put
robot rabbits in older peoples homes, it is surprisingly hard to get a machine
performing as a social actor to initiate a conversation [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref17">17</xref>
        ]. It seems we modern
humans are conditioned to not get overly annoyed when a machine interrupts us
with an alarm. People (or machines) talking to us is another matter.
      </p>
      <p>
        It turns out this kind of conditioning is endemic in the way we communicate.
In order to chart a course through this complex network of norms and social
relations we have turned to a suite of techniques from the human sciences broadly
under the banner of Conversation Analysis[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5 ref7">7, 5</xref>
        ]. This approach not only provides
explanations of what goes wrong in human-machine conversations [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16">16</xref>
        ] but also
provides (unbelievably) good quantitative results [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref18">18</xref>
        ]. Critically, it also provides
a model that can be implemented.
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>Meaning and action</title>
      <p>
        The conventional wisdom is that natural languages are the de nitive symbol
system and computers are, in a very literal sense, universal symbol manipulation
systems. So what could we be possibly missing when it comes to conversational
machines? The answer has been of course the notion of agency and situated
action. Computers can do something other than manipulate symbols; they can
implement arbitrary causal relations between sensors and actuators. Computers
might compute anything that is computable, but they can also implement the
decision processes of a thermostat. Behaviour-based robotics [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">1</xref>
        ] has certainly
made some signi cant progress over good old fashioned AI (GOFAI) systems
that sense, model, plan and act. Applied to language understanding { in
particular dialog { the success of situated action suggests that we take seriously
Austin's notion of language as action [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">2</xref>
        ]. Austin and Searle has been
championed before but the point often gets morphed into something about the action
being to inform and we are back to all the issues with the conduit metaphor [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">11</xref>
        ].
Conversation Analysis [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5 ref7">7, 5</xref>
        ] is a qualitative approach which looks at the \work
done" by a speaker when making an utterance. Rather than looking in heads for
meaning, we need to look at the relationship between the head and the world
around it.
      </p>
      <p>As an example of the phenomena of interest in CA, consider this classic
example from the literature in a doctor/patient conversation:</p>
      <p>Patient: this treatment, it won't have any e ect on us having kids will it?</p>
      <sec id="sec-2-1">
        <title>Doctor: [3.2 seconds silence]</title>
        <sec id="sec-2-1-1">
          <title>Patient: It will?</title>
        </sec>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-2-2">
        <title>Doctor: I'm afraid so..</title>
        <p>Although it might seem reasonable to consider words to have meaning that can
be looked up independent of context, the same is not true of silence and in the
example that is certainly a meaningful silence. Whatever mechanism is at work
here, it is also hard at work when we gure out the meaning of words.</p>
        <p>
          Looking through the CA literature, human communication is is full of
normative behaviours { rules that can be broken, but to break them will be interpreted.
These rules are \behind the scenes" in that we do not consciously think about
them but we know they are there and shared by our \community of practice".
Making an apology is a complex process [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">10</xref>
          ], but then so is saying goodbye [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">12</xref>
          ].
        </p>
        <p>
          The idea that language use requires folk knowledge may be obvious but
the extent to which folk knowledge is core is perhaps borne out by the success
amateurs have in developing conversational agents for things like the Loebner
Prize [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
          ]. Folk know exactly, in context, what to say. What the untrained do
not know is how to abstract from the surface form of an actual apology say,
to something that can generalize across di erent contexts. Indeed fty years of
NLP research suggests experts do not know how to do that abstraction either.
2.1
        </p>
        <sec id="sec-2-2-1">
          <title>How language works</title>
          <p>
            In order to systematically analyse such phenomena CA has disavowed conjecture
about the mechanism or \rules in the head" that might have general applicability.
Instead the focus on what happens in particular instances of communication and
what observable behaviour contributes to choices made. The scienti c knowledge
is in how to study \folk" knowledge and, as with other ethnomethods, the point
is to capture the everyday knowledge that people use to do what they do.
Conversation Analysis provides a methodology but, having collected our butter ies,
engineers need generalizations in order to make something that can hold a
conversation. CA is strong on methodology and shy on theory, but Seedhouse [
            <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">13</xref>
            ]
gives a summary of \the ndings of CA over the last 50 years" providing an
implementable generalization of how language works. To summarize, a speaker's
utterance will fall into one of the following categories:
Seen but unnoticed An utterance will go seen but unnoticed if it is the answer
to the conversational partner's (CP's) question, a greeting in response to a
greeting, and so on. If the speaker produces the second part of an \adjacency
pair," then the CP (who produced the rst part of the pair) will not \notice"
the utterance but will take in this expected response and move on.
Noticed and accounted for If the speaker says an utterance that is not
expected by his or her CP | not the normal response | then the CP does
not instantly give up, but actually works hard to gure out why the speaker
said what was said. As a classic example consider some one walking in to a
corner shop:
          </p>
        </sec>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-2-3">
        <title>A: Hello. Do you sell stamps?</title>
        <p>B: First class or second class?
Unless it is pointed out, people often do not notice that B's response is not
an answer to the question. B's response can however be accounted for.
Risks sanction If the utterance makes no sense, and the CP cannot gure out
how it relates to what went before, then the CP will start working toward
sanctioning the CP. It seems humans have a notion of fairness and feel
justi ed in sanctioning the speaker if they think the speaker is not cooperating
in the communication process. This is not a prescriptive rule taught to well
brought up children; it is descriptive of what people do. The form of the
sanction depends on many things and is highly culturally dependent. This
is where notions of power and distance, roles and expectations comes into
play.</p>
        <p>This process of working through the seen-but-unnoticed,
noticed-and-accountedfor, to sanction is not something we think about; it is just what we do and as such
it is hard to notice in action. For instance it is quite surprising just how hard we
are willing to work at accounting for a speaker's utterance. What is more, and
in contrast to the views of many CA practitioners, it requires thinking about
intentions.
2.2</p>
        <sec id="sec-2-3-1">
          <title>Language as Intentional and Cooperative</title>
          <p>
            We humans read o the intent of others { it may be di cult to recognize the
intent of Hitler invading Poland, but seeing two children tugging at a teddy bear
the human observer will be quite sure they both want it [
            <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref3">3</xref>
            ]. And we are willing
to work hard at it. Consider this (naturally occurring) example from Eggins and
Slade [
            <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">4</xref>
            ] talking about sequential relevance:
          </p>
        </sec>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-2-4">
        <title>A: What's that oating in the wine?</title>
        <p>B: There aren't any other solutions.</p>
        <p>You will try very hard to nd a way of interpreting B's turn as somehow
an answer to A's question, even though there is no obvious link between
them, apart from their appearance in sequence. Perhaps you will have
decided that B took a common solution to a resistant wine cork and
poked it through into the bottle, and it was oating in the wine.
Whatever explanation you came up with, it is unlikely that you looked at
the example and simply said `it doesn't make sense', so strong is the
implication that adjacent turns relate to each other.</p>
        <p>
          This example demonstrates just how hard human communicators are willing to
work at recognizing intent in the speech acts of others. By contrast consider the
example in Figure 1 from Mann [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">9</xref>
          ] which is a good example of just how easy
we humans nd it to recognize intent. In this conversation it is not until line 11
that Mother uses any words or concepts that might be semantically linked with
the Child's opening statement, and indeed the words she speaks are from an
entirely di erent context. Of course the child knows what mum wants and it is
only because the child knows what mother wants that her utterances make any
sense as part of this conversation. If one is not convinced that mother's desires
are a factor, consider a conversation in which at line 2 Mother says \I rode
my new bike thirty ve kilometres today". Being a member of the community of
practice one can put oneself in the shoes of the child and imagine one's confusion.
One may indeed \try very hard to nd a way of interpreting" riding a bike as
relevant to feeding a child | indeed it is expected | but the point is that one's
explanation will involve unravelling Mother's reasoning about bikes and feeding
children. That is, one will be trying to understand what Mother intended by her
utterance about bikes. The great apes, according to Tomasello [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14">14</xref>
          ] are perfectly
capable of recognizing intent, but they do not have the compunction to cooperate
in the communicative process. They would presumably look at the Eggins and
Slade example, decide it didn't make sense, and move on.
2.3
        </p>
        <sec id="sec-2-4-1">
          <title>Sanction</title>
          <p>We humans rarely get to the stage of sanctioning but conversational agents are
another matter. Consider the conversation in Figure 2 between a human and a
chat bot. On a rst pass what stands out is the way the conversation simply
PROGRAM: G'day mate.</p>
          <p>JUDGE02: G'day. How's it going?
PROGRAM: My mother once said "How is it going is a mystery." She was a bit nuts.</p>
          <p>JUDGE02: Uh-huh.</p>
          <p>PROGRAM: Are you still learning to speak, my friend?</p>
          <p>JUDGE02: NO, no. But your anecdote took me a bit by surprise.</p>
          <p>JUDGE02: How was your morning?
PROGRAM: Oh well, that's a pity! (1)</p>
          <p>JUDGE02: I'm sorry; what's a pity?
PROGRAM: Apologies accepted.</p>
          <p>JUDGE02: I feel compelled to insult you, and we've only been talking a minute.
PROGRAM: We are bloody well talking, aren't we?</p>
          <p>JUDGE02: Oh baby. We sure are. So here are some keywords for you: shit mother
baseball.</p>
          <p>...
falls apart. One can point to the place where things start to go wrong, but for a
considerable number of turns, the human at least is working toward repairing the
interaction with apologies and warnings. At (1) the machine utters something
that the judge cannot account for. The judge tries to get the machine to explain,
which fails, resulting in an explicit threat of sanction. In the end the threatened
\keywords" include swearing even though the judge is well aware that the world
is watching.</p>
          <p>A standard response to this example is to think we just need to ensure the
machine does not say anything that cannot be accounted for. Notice however
that four lines prior to (1) the human says something the machine (acts as if
it) cannot account for and the human's response is quite di erent. The events
are mirror images of each other but the human's handling of the situation is so
automatic for us that it is hard to notice the symmetry. Human language use
is situated action in an environment. Getting machines to do conversation, the
context is just as much part of the process as the code and that context is full
of highly socialized people.</p>
        </sec>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>3 Implementation</title>
      <p>
        When someone picks up a phone or runs a screen-based conversational agent,
they are already attending to (engaged with) the agent. Setting this up with
a physical agent is discussed elsewhere [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref17">17</xref>
        ] but once engaged, a conversational
partner (CP) will either treat an utterance as seen-but-unnoticed, or will
notice-and-account-for it, or the CP will risk-sanction. To
notice-and-accountfor requires some form of intention recognition. Intention recognition is an
openended question but the real question is just how much is needed in order to
make conversational machines seem just not very bright as opposed to stupid
or o ensive. The mechanism we currently use is a variant on plan choice in a
classic BDI agent architecture.
3.1
      </p>
      <sec id="sec-3-1">
        <title>BDI Dialog Management</title>
        <p>
          The Belief, Desire and Intentions (BDI) agent architectures [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref19">19</xref>
          ] were developed
to address the problem of situated action while at the same time maintaining
the notion of commitment to a plan. BDI architectures have been used for dialog
many times before and the key feature being that this approach provides mixed
initiative at the level of intent.
        </p>
        <p>Most BDI systems do not do planning but rather manage plans obtained
from a xed plan library. What is more, it is not expected that there is planning
\all the way down". Indeed plans in the library may contain sets of chatbot-like
pattern-action rules that simply \produce behaviour" that an agent might have
when it has the relevant goal. There may be several plans that might achieve a
particular goal, and thus plan failure does not necessarily mean goal failure {
there is a level of commitment to the goal that is not seen in many of the more
traditional approaches involving planning. Critically for dialog systems, the goal
is explicit and can be used in explanations of behaviour.</p>
        <p>
          We have been developing a dialog scripting language based on XML that uses
a combination of features of Voice XML [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">15</xref>
          ] and JAM [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6">6</xref>
          ]. The core construct is
the say element that has as its body the text to say and takes as an argument
a (reference to a) grammar to pass to the speech recognition infrastructure.
There is also a plan element that, for the purposes of this paper might consist
of a sequence of say and if elements. A plan takes the name of a goal as an
argument so that, when the goal is posted the system (may) form an intent to
achieve the goal by executing the (body of the) plan. Figure 3.1 shows two plans,
one of which tells a knock-knock joke, and the other of which goes through the
process of saying goodbye. Note that telling a knock-knock joke requires more
than 2 turns and the process might be interrupted. As such the process is a good
example of why dialog is situated action.
Consider the plan to tell a joke. The seen-but-unnoticed is handled by the &lt;
say recognise = "::" &gt; construct which says the text and waits for a user
response. If the user says something that is not recognised by the currently
active say statement, then the rst assumption is that the user has changed his
or her goal and the system looks through the plan library for a trigger rule
that matches the input. If one is found, the relevant plan is posted. In theory
of course the trigger would create a belief that the CP has a new goal, and the
system would reason about the goals it has and possibly choose a new goal in
response. This does however seem excessive given the types of dialog we believe
we can handle with the trigger mechanism.
        </p>
        <p>Looking at the knock-knock joke example, consider what happens when the
goal tell a joke is posted. The system nds this plan, or another which also tells
a joke, and executes it. Upon completion, if the goal is not removed, the next
plan to tell a joke is found and so on. At some point the user will get sick of
knock-knock jokes and can quit the program at any time by saying `good bye'
which matches the trigger grammar of the sayBye plan. The trigger
mechanism provides an elegant solution to interruptions that does not entail explicitly
checking for no match conditions at every step.</p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>Conclusion</title>
      <p>Accounting-for is a crucial part of how humans communicate. To make machines
do this requires some form of intention recognition, and this paper describes out
simple approach to accounting-for based on trigger grammars. Using this
approach, the Conversational Partner can not only interrupt the system while it is
talking, he or she can interrupt the system's current intent. Our implementation
is lacking in many, many ways, but the framework captures the idea of language
as intentional and cooperative and is a basis for our goal of having machines do
really natural language processing.</p>
    </sec>
  </body>
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