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  <front>
    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Local associations and semantic ties in overt and masked semantic priming</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>anadalini @sissa.it</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1">1</xref>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff2">2</xref>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff3">3</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>Andrea Nadalini International School for Advanced Studies Trieste</institution>
          ,
          <country country="IT">Italy</country>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff1">
          <label>1</label>
          <institution>Davide Crepaldi International School for Advanced Studies Trieste</institution>
          ,
          <country country="IT">Italy</country>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff2">
          <label>2</label>
          <institution>Marco Marelli Bicocca University Milan</institution>
          ,
          <country country="IT">Italy</country>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff3">
          <label>3</label>
          <institution>Roberto Bottini Center for mind/brain sciences Trento</institution>
          ,
          <country country="IT">Italy</country>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <abstract>
        <p>English. Distributional semantic models (DSM) are widely used in psycholinguistic research to automatically assess the degree of semantic relatedness between words. Model estimates strongly correlate with human similarity judgements and offer a tool to successfully predict a wide range of language-related phenomena. In the present study, we compare the state-of-art model with pointwise mutual information (PMI), a measure of local association between words based on their surface cooccurrence. In particular, we test how the two indexes perform on a dataset of sematic priming data, showing how PMI outperforms DSM in the fit to the behavioral data. According to our result, what has been traditionally thought of as semantic effects may mostly rely on local associations based on word cooccurrence.</p>
      </abstract>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>-</title>
      <p>Italiano. I modelli semantici
distribuzionali sono ampiamente utilizzati in
psicolinguistica per quantificare il grado di
similarità tra parole. Tali stime sono in
linea con i corrispettivi giudizi umani, e
offrono uno strumento per modellare
un'ampia gamma di fenomeni relativi al
linguaggio. Nel presente studio,
confrontiamo il modello con la pointwise mutual
information (PMI), una misura di
associazione locale tra parole basata sulla
loro cooccorrenza. In particolare,
abbiamo testato i due indici su un set di dati
di priming semantico, mostrando come la
PMI riesca a spiegare meglio i dati
comportamentali. Alla luce di tali risultati,
ciò che è stato tradizionalmente
considerato come effetto semantico potrebbe
basarsi principalmente su associazioni
locali di co-occorrenza lessicale.
1</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>Introduction</title>
      <p>Over the past two decades, computational
semantics has made a lot of progress in the strive
for developing techniques that are able to
provide human-like estimates of the semantic
relatedness between lexical items. Distributional
Semantic Models (DSM; Baroni and Lenci, 2010)
assume that it is possible to represent lexical
meaning based on statistical analyses of the way
words are used in large text corpora. Words are
modeled as vectors and populate a
highdimensionsional space where similar words tend
to cluster together. Meaning relatedness between
two words corresponds to the proximity of their
vectors; for example, one can approximate
relatedness as the cosine of the angle formed by two
word-vectors:
cosθ =</p>
      <p>
        !∙!
| ! |∙| ! |
DSMs have been proposed as a psychologically
plausible models of semantic memory, with
particular emphasis on how meaning representations
are achieved and structured
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10 ref11">(e.g. LSA, Landauer
and Dumais, 1997; HAL, Lund and Burgess,
1996)</xref>
        . So, they can be pitted against human
behavior, in search for psychological validation of
this modeling. For example, the model’s
estimates have been used to make reliable
predictions about the processing time associated with
the stimuli
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12 ref2">(Baroni et al., 2014; Mandera et al.,
2017)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>
        The technique most commonly used to explore
semantic processing is the priming paradigm
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">(McNamara, 2005)</xref>
        , according to which the
recognition of a given word (the target) is easier
if preceded by a related word (the prime; e.g.,
cat–dog). Interestingly, facilitation can be
observed both when the prime word is fully visible
and when it is kept outside of participants’
awareness through visual masking
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4 ref8">(Forster and
Davis, 1984; de Wit and Kinoshita, 2015)</xref>
        . In this
technique, the prime stimulus is displayed
shortly, embedded between a forward and a backward
string (Figure 1).
Beside words’ distribution, one can be interested
in the local association strength between lexical
items, starting from the assumption that two
words that are often used close to each other,
tend to become associated. Yet, a given pair may
be often attested only because the two
components are in turn highly frequent. Therefore, raw
frequency counts are often transformed into
some kinds of association measure which can
determine if the pair is attested above chance
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref7">(Evert, 2008)</xref>
        . A common method is to compute
pointwise mutual information (PMI) between
two words, according to the formula:
      </p>
      <p>!(!₁,!₂)</p>
      <p>PMI(w1,w2) = log2 !(!₁)!(!₂)
where p(w1,w2) corresponds to the probability of
the word pair, while p(w1) and p(w2) to the
individual probabilities of the two components
(Church and Hanks, 1990).</p>
      <p>
        PMI has been used to model a wide range of
psycholinguistics phenomena, from similarity
judgements
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref18 ref5">(Recchia and Jones, 2009)</xref>
        to reading
speed
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref18 ref5">(Ellis and Simpson-Vlach, 2009)</xref>
        .
Moreover, PMI has also been shown to successfully
generalize to non-linguistic fields as
epistemology and psychology of reasoning (Tentori et al.,
2014). On the other hand, PMI has the limit of
over-estimating the importance of rare items
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">(Manning and Schütze, 1999)</xref>
        .
      </p>
      <p>Despite many DSMs use measures of local
association between words like PMI to build
contingency matrices, the information conveyed by two
similar word-vectors is different from the
information conveyed by two highly recurrent words.
Cosine similarity is based on “higher order”
cooccurrences: two words are similar in the way
they are used together with all the other words in
the vocabulary. Local measures as PMI instead
rely only on the effective co-presence of two
given words. Two synonyms like the words car
and automobile are not likely to often appear
close to each other in a given text, still they
represent the same referent, and therefore expected
to be used in similar contexts.</p>
      <p>Based on these considerations, PMI and DSMs
can be pitted against human behavior, in search
for psychological validation of this modeling. In
particular, we tested how PMI and cosine
proximity predicts priming in a set of data
encompassing different prime visibility conditions
(masked vs unmasked) and prime durations (33,
50, 200, 1200 ms).
2
2.1</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>Our Study</title>
      <sec id="sec-3-1">
        <title>Material</title>
        <p>
          All the stimuli used in the current study were
italian words. 50 words referring to animals and
50 words referring to tools were used as target
stimuli. Each word in this list was paired with
three words from the same category, resulting in
300 unique prime-target couples which were
divided into three rotations. We add to each
rotation 100 additional filler trials which will not be
included in the analysis step. More precisely, we
used abstract word as target stimuli, paired with
animals and tool primes different from those
presented in the experimental trials. In this way we
ensured that the response to the target was not
predictable by the presence of the prime.
Relatedness estimates were obtained by looking
at the stimuli distribution across the ItWac
corpus, a linguistic database of nearly 2 billion
words built through web crawling
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">(Baroni et al.,
2009)</xref>
          . We downloaded the lemmatized and
partof-speech annotated corpus, freely provided by
the authors. All characters were set to lowercase,
and special characters were removed together
with a list of stop-words.
        </p>
        <p>
          PMI between the word pairs was computed
based on frequency counts gained by sliding a
5words window along ItWac. Cosine proximity
between word vectors was obtained training a
word2vec model
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16">(Mikolov et al., 2013)</xref>
          on the
same corpus. Model’s parameters were set
according to the WEISS model
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14">(Marelli, 2017)</xref>
          . All
words attested at least 100 times were included
in the model, which was trained using the
continuous-bag-of-word architecture, a 5-word
window and 200 dimensions. The parameter k for
negative sampling was set to 10, and the
subsampling parameter to 10-5.
        </p>
        <p>Correlations between semantic and lexical
variables are shown in Table 1.</p>
        <p>Target length
Target
frequency
PMI
cosine</p>
        <p>Target
length
1
-.211
.091
.147</p>
        <p>Target
frequency
1
-.205
-.059</p>
        <p>PMI</p>
        <p>cosine
1
.541
1
Participants: Overall, 246 volunteers were
recruited for the current study, and were assigned
to the different prime timing conditions. All
subjects were native Italian speakers, with normal or
corrected-to-normal vision and no history of
neurological or learning diseases.</p>
        <p>Apparatus: All stimuli were displayed on a 25’’
monitor with a refresh rate of 120 Hz, using
MatLab Psychtoolbox. The words and the masks
were presented in Arial font 32, in white color
against a black background.</p>
        <p>Procedure: Participants were engaged in a
classic YES/NO task, requiring them to classify the
stimuli as members of either the animal or the
tool category, according to the instructions.
YESresponse were always provided with the
dominant hand.</p>
        <p>Each unique prime-target pair was presented
only once to each participant. Experimental
sessions included a total of 200 trials, which were
divided into two blocks. In one block, subjects
were asked to press the yes-button if the target
word referred to an animal, while in the other
block they were asked to press the yes-button if
the target word referred to a tool. The order of
the two blocks was counterbalanced across
subjects. 10 practice and 2 warm-up trials were
presented before each block. Participants could take
a short break halfway through each block.
Each trial began with a 750 ms fixation-cross
(+). Prime duration was varied across
experiments: 33, 50, 200 and 1200 ms respectively. In
the former two conditions, prime visibility was
prevented through forward and backward visual
masks. Finally, the target word was left on the
screen until a response was provided.</p>
        <p>
          Prime visibility task. In the experiments with the
masked primes, participants were not informed
about their presence. This was only revealed
after the relevant session, when participants were
invited to take part into a prime visibility task
requiring them to spot the presence of the letter
“n” within the masked word. After the first two
examples, where prime duration was increased to
150 ms to ensure visibility, 10 practice and 80
experimental trials were displayed. Prime
visibility was quantified through a d–prime analysis
carried out on each participant
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">(Green and Swets
,1966)</xref>
          .
2.3
        </p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-3-2">
        <title>Results</title>
        <p>Response times (RT) were analyzed on accurate,
yes-response trials only. RT were inverse
transformed to approximate a normal distribution and
employed as a dependent variable in linear
mixed-effects regression models. This analysis
allows us to control for all the covariates that
may have affected the performance, such as trial
position in the randomized list, rotation, RT and
accuracy on the preceding trial, the response
required in the preceding trial, frequency and
length of the target. All these variables, together
with the two semantic indexes (PMI and cosine
proximity), were entered in the model as fixed
effects, while participants and items were
considered as random intercepts. Model selection
was implemented stepwise, progressively
removing those variables whose contribution to
goodness of fit was not significant.</p>
        <p>In the masked priming data, neither PMI nor
cosine proximity were reliable predictors by
themselves (p=.298 and p=.206, respectively).
However, both indexes interacted with prime
visibility as tracked by participants’ d–prime
(!"#∗!! (1, 9750)= 13.74, p&lt;.001; !"#∗!! (1,
9745)= 13.24, p&lt;.001.). As illustrated in Figure
1, the more each participant could see the prime
word, the higher the priming effect she
displayed.</p>
        <p>In the overt priming data, both PMI and cosine
proximity yield a significant main effect (50ms
presentation time: !"#(1,9769)= 10.36, p= .001;
!"#(1, 9769)= 8.602, p= .0058), but only PMI
significantly predicts priming when both indexes
are entered into the model (!"#(1,9769)= 10.36,
p= .001; !"# (1,9769)=0.60, p=.489). Results
were very consistent across conditions and showed
the same pattern when prime presentation time was
200ms or 1200ms (see Figure 2).</p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>Conclusion</title>
      <p>
        Thanks to the help of computational methods, we
provided new insights on the nature of the
processing that supports semantic priming. Overall,
effects seem to be primarily driven by local word
associations as tracked by Pointwise Mutual
Information—when semantic priming emerged,
PMI effects were consistently stronger and more
solid than those related to DSM estimates. This
would be in line with previous literature
suggesting that the behavior of the human cognitive
system may be effectively described by Information
Theory principles. For example, Paperno and
colleagues
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref17">(Paperno et al., 2014)</xref>
        showed that
PMI is a significant predictor of human
judgements of word co–occurrence.
      </p>
      <p>
        The results from masked priming offer another
important insight—some kind of prime visibility
may be required for semantic/associative priming
to emerge. Other studies have shown genuine
semantic effects with subliminally presented
stimuli
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref3">(Bottini et al., 2016)</xref>
        . However, they
typically used words from small/closed classes (e.g.,
spatial words, planet names). Conversely, we
drew stimuli across the lexicon, and sampled
form very large category such as animals and
tools; this may point to an effect of target
predictability. In general, our data cast some doubts
on a wide–across–the–lexicon processing of
semantic information outside of awareness.
      </p>
    </sec>
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