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  <front>
    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.1177/1536504212436479</article-id>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Doing MOOCs in Dili: Studying online learner behaviour in the Global South</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>The University of Western Australia and FutureLearn</institution>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <pub-date>
        <year>2019</year>
      </pub-date>
      <fpage>0000</fpage>
      <lpage>0003</lpage>
      <abstract>
        <p>This work in progress paper is part of an ethnographic action research project investigating the potential for Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) to provide learning opportunities to students in Dili, Timor-Leste. A systematic review of academic literature on MOOCs and Open Educational Resources (OER) in the Global South1 identified key emergent themes: The infrastructural barriers to Internet access; the literacies required to participate in online learning; the new, often unfamiliar pedagogical approaches; and the context of content. This paper examines these themes in Dili as they play out in practice. A fifth theme in the literature is also discussed; the imbalance of knowledge flow from global North to South, leading to accusations of academic neocolonialism. This paper proposes that qualitative learner behaviour research is crucial to understanding how online learners in places like Dili negotiate the conditions which constrain and enable learning in MOOCs, and concludes that MOOC platforms need to acknowledge postcolonial critiques and give greater voice to academics in the Global South.</p>
      </abstract>
      <kwd-group>
        <kwd />
        <kwd>MOOCs for development</kwd>
        <kwd>Ethnography</kwd>
        <kwd>User behaviour studies</kwd>
      </kwd-group>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>Introduction</title>
      <p>
        situates these themes in the context of field data collected in Dili Timor-Leste, to
examine how they manifest in and influence learner behaviour and practice.
The author conducted ethnographic fieldwork between 20
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">15 and 2017</xref>
        ,
interviewing over 100 university students, academics and other higher
education stakeholders, facilitating five MOOCs as a form of blended learning
with face-to-face study group meetings with Timorese learners, holding drop in
sessions introducing MOOCs with approximately 50 students, and “hanging out”
on higher education campuses, notably the Universidad Nacional Timor Lorosa’e
(UNTL) and Wi-Fi hotspots dotted around the city. This data was collected,
interviews and field notes were transcribed and coded, then grouped and related
to the themes identified in the literature.
2
2.1
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>Results</title>
      <p>Access to the Internet
The first and perhaps most obvious barriers to individuals in the Global South
learning through MOOCs is the ability to access a stable internet connection
using information and communication technologies (ICTs) that are affordable for
the learner. This is particularly true for women4 those living in rural areas5 and
people living with disability.6 The literature on learning with mobile ICTs
(Mlearning) is burgeoning7 and mobile access to MOOCs and OER is becoming a key
element of efforts to meet the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goal
(SDG) 4, quality education8.</p>
      <p>In Dili, Internet access has been significantly improved by the liberalization of
the telecommunications industry in 2012, which has introduced two new telcos
to the market. Internet-enabled mobile ICTs and cheap laptops, often purchased
across the border in Indonesia, are now common sights across university
campuses and in Wi-Fi hotspots around Dili where people can prepay Internet
access starting at USD 0.06c for 15 minutes. Sites such as the Timor Plaza
shopping mall offer free Wi-Fi, however the limited strength of the connection
combined with the number of people online meant accessing MOOC content such
as videos proved impossible. In travelling around Dili, it is not uncommon to see
groups of young people on various mobile ICTs stationed near the boundary
fences of office buildings, looking to gain free access to the Wi-Fi. UNTL had at
least two Internet hubs, sponsored by the Australian and United States
government, offering desktop computers with access to on- and offline
educational programs, usually related to English for academic study. Online
access is restricted to 30-60 minute sessions and connectivity was intermittent
at best, and students could spend their entire session unsuccessfully trying to
load a course page. Some learners were able to join MOOCs, but the time limits
on completion of free courses often prevented learners finishing courses before
their access expired.
2.2</p>
      <p>Literacies
If people are able to access a reliable Internet connection, there are various
interrelated literacies they need to engage with course content. The language
literacy required to understand courses is key, especially English, given its
dominance as the language of MOOC instruction9. The digital literacies required
to use ICTs to study MOOCs are also crucial, starting with the basics of using a
mouse and keyboard, although mobile ICT access allows Southern learners
access on more familiar devices10. The critical literacy required for learners to
engage with and question course content is also important, and these combine
into what Pegrum describes as ‘critical mobile literacy’11, which includes
learners’ deeper understanding of both the positive and negative impacts of ICTs.
Working with Timorese people participating in MOOCs revealed the plurilingual
nature of Timorese language literacy. In a learning activity on a FutureLearn
course, learners were asked to construct a sociogram representing the languages
they spoke and the social, family and work groups with whom they used those
languages. The Timorese participants all produced complex diagrams capturing
the diversity of languages, including the national languages Tetum and
Portuguese, Bahasa Indonesia, indigenous languages such as Makassae, Fatuluku
Mambae and Kemak, as well as English. The participants perform various ‘roles’
in these languages depending on their context of use, and English is a primary
language for the role of higher education, particularly for those looking to apply
for international scholarships.</p>
      <p>Observing students in Internet hubs on the campus of UNTL, it was clear
participants were often tentative and cautious in their manipulation of the
mouse and keyboard, as if they were afraid to break the equipment. Learners on
mobiles were much more confident, and some preferred to use a desktop to
watch and read MOOC content, then use mobile device to post comments within
courses. The challenges of helping Timorese learners develop critical literacies
are exemplified in the prevalence of ‘copy paste’ culture in higher education,
where students will plagiarise online content in assignments, copying and
pasting information from searches on ‘Mister Google’ as one participant jokingly
described it. This issue is certainly not limited to Timor-Leste, and MOOCs can
play a role in fostering critical and mobile literacy development.
2.3</p>
      <p>Pedagogies
The new, unfamiliar pedagogical approaches of MOOCs raise questions about
how effectively Southern learners engage with courses, although critics also
point out that courses can reproduce didactic, passive learning experiences12.
The onus on self-directed learning assumes learners are able to take this journey
independently, which is not always the case for learners in the Global South13. A
growing body of research indicates clear value in convening MOOC study groups,
variously described as “MOOC camps”14, “wrapped MOOCs”15 or “MOOC+”16
where online content is blended with face-to-face discussion. This allows
scaffolded peer learning and an opportunity to consolidate ideas presented
through courses.</p>
      <p>Timorese MOOC participants often needed time to understand how to navigate
the various steps in a course such as pressing the ‘mark as complete’ button on
FutureLearn course steps, or following the navigation bar of EdX courses. They
were also often reticent to comment on course discussion feeds because of
concerns about giving incorrect answers or not having a high level of accuracy in
their answers, linking back to the importance of language literacies. While some
preferred not to post comments, many ascribed value in reading other learners’
comments and looking for new ideas, especially in courses for teacher
professional development. The experience of blending course content with
faceto-face meetings in this project created opportunities for learners to ask
questions among their peers, concept check and gain a better understanding of
key concepts by talking them through with others.
2.4</p>
      <p>Context of content
MOOCs on topics designed for a Northern audience can often lack relevance for
learners in the Global South17, and ideally course resources should be tailored to
local conditions18, which can work counter to the scalar, global aims of MOOCs.
There are a growing number of courses on various platforms aimed at Southern
audiences. On the FutureLearn platform, courses designed for Southern learner
audiences include the Open University’s collaboration with Teacher Education in
Sub-Saharan Africa (TESSA) ‘Making Teacher Education Relevant for 21st
Century Africa’
https://www.futurelearn.com/courses/teacher-educationafrica/, the University of Cape Town’s ‘Education for All’
https://www.futurelearn.com/courses/education-for-all and The British Society
for Antimicrobial Stewardship (BSAC)’s collaboration with the University of
Lagos on ‘Antimicrobial Stewardship for Africa’
https://www.futurelearn.com/courses/antimicrobial-stewardship-for-africa .
Currently there are no MOOCs produced either in or for Timor-Leste and
learners need to adapt content to their personal context. This was a key part of
study group meetings and learners were able to use dialogue with peers to think
actively about how knowledge applied to them, which was not always possible
and lead to some course attrition as learners felt the content was irrelevant to
them. The question: ‘So, how does this work in Timor-Leste?’ was a regular
refrain within group discussions, and further added to the value of face-to-face
discussions.
2.5</p>
      <p>North-South knowledge flow
The final theme to emerge from the academic research into MOOCs in the Global
South concerns the dominance of Northern higher education institutions in the
production and dissemination of knowledge, leading to accusations of academic
neo-colonialism and the marginalization of Southern academic voices19. Many
learners in the Global South choose to do MOOCs because they are produced in
these centres of academic power and are drawn by institutional reputation20.
The issue of knowledge, power and the colonial legacy is one that MOOC
platforms need to address in the light of these clear imbalances.</p>
      <p>Timor-Leste has a wealth of knowledge embodied in traditional customary
practices, linguistic diversity, terrestrial and marine biodiversity and a turbulent
history of occupation by first the Portuguese empire and more recently
Indonesia. Courses based on the report of the Commission for Reception, Truth
and Reconciliation (CAVR)21, would be one way of allowing Timorese to study
their history online, while presenting Timor-Leste’s history for learners around
the world to know more about this country and its past.
3</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>Conclusion</title>
      <p>The periods of fieldwork in Dili have provided an invaluable opportunity to gain
rich insights into how learners in Timor-Leste interact with MOOCs, particularly
the barriers which constrain learners, and the ways in which learners negotiate
these barriers with varying levels of success. Qualitative research into learner
behaviour provides a rich source of data to see beyond learner statistics and look
more closely at the lived experience of MOOC learners, in order to better
understand their educational needs. Further, MOOC platforms need to
acknowledge postcolonial critiques and give academics in the South a voice,
providing educational opportunities to learners with limited Internet access, in
languages they understand, using pedagogical approaches they can relate to, on
topics relevant to them. There is tremendous scope for more diversity of
academic voices in courses, and for the empire to ‘MOOC back’ at the global
metropole.</p>
    </sec>
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