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  <front>
    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Linguistic end-weight is really edge-weight Observing heaviness is a parsed corpus?</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>University of Iceland</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>Saemundargata 2, 101 Reykjavík</addr-line>
          ,
          <country country="IS">Iceland</country>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <fpage>240</fpage>
      <lpage>249</lpage>
      <abstract>
        <p>This paper examines the relationship between heaviness and optional movement to the edge of a clause - demonstrating how a digitized and syntactically annotated corpus of historical texts can contribute to the study of phenomena associated with linguistic processing. We focus on so-called weight phenomena in word order variation and find that heaviness draws phrases to both edges of a clause - not just the right edge as sometimes assumed.</p>
      </abstract>
      <kwd-group>
        <kwd>historical corpora processing</kwd>
      </kwd-group>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>Introduction</title>
      <p>
        This paper examines the relationship between heaviness and optional movement
to the edge of a clause – demonstrating how a digitized and syntactically
annotated corpus of historical texts can contribute to the study of phenomena
associated with linguistic processing. It is a well known observation that
syntactic constituents sometimes appear at the end of a clause rather than in their
canonical position when they are heavy/long; going back to Behagel [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">2</xref>
        ] , see also
[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref21 ref22">21, 22</xref>
        ]. This tendency is manifested in Heavy NP shift, the type of alternation
shown in where the direct object can shift to the right of the PP adjunct on the
street.1
(1)
a. I met [my rich uncle from Detroit] on the street.
      </p>
      <p>b. I met on the street [my rich uncle from Detroit].</p>
      <p>
        Despite several studies on weight effects, it still remains a matter of investigation
why such movement takes place. Proposed explanations appeal to some aspects
of processing and include that such movement facilitates parsing [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11 ref3 ref5 ref6 ref7">3, 5, 6, 7, 11</xref>
        ]
or utterance planning and production [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref22">22</xref>
        ]. It even remains elusive which kind
of measurement is most appropriate for deciding what counts as heavy [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16 ref18 ref22 ref23">16, 18,
22, 23</xref>
        ].
? Thanks to anonymous reviewers for helpful comments. This research was supported
by The Icelandic Research Fund (Rannis) [grant number 185263-051].
1 For a syntactic analysis of this example and other similar examples of Heavy NP
shift, see [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10 ref15 ref20">10, 15, 20</xref>
        ].
      </p>
      <p>We will not attempt to resolve these big questions. That task goes far
beyond the scope of such a short paper. However, we do want to make an empirical
point that in our opinion seems to escape attention in some of the most
important studies on weight effects. Heaviness is not only positively correlated with
movement to the right edge of a clause, but also to the left edge, e.g. by left
dislocation (2).
(2)
a. I forgot about [my rich uncle from Detroit].</p>
      <p>b. [My rich uncle from Detroit]1, I forgot about him1.</p>
      <p>This is important because it suggests that weight-driven movement is, at least
in part, about amending situations where one needs to backtrack from a deeply
embedded structure in the middle of an utterance rather than moving to the
right.</p>
      <p>The paper is organized as follows: In section 2 we discuss the placement of old
vs. new/given information in a sentence and the nature of rightward movement.
In section 3 we introduce our study and the concept of Edge weight. In section
4 we discuss the results of our study. Section 5 concludes.
2</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>Optionally moving heavy elements to the edge</title>
      <p>There is a well-known tendency for syntactic constituents that introduce new
information to appear later in the sentence than constituents that present old/given
information (see Prince 1981 for her account of definitions of old vs. new
information).</p>
      <p>
        Thrainsson (2005:506) argued that in languages such as Icelandic the basic
word order of Subject-Verb-Object does not always agree with the tendency to
present old information before new. As he demonstrates in example (3), both
purposes can be fulfilled by choosing a passive sentence, rather than active.
(3)
The sentences in (3) have more or less the same meaning but offer two ways
of organizing old and new information without violating the rules of syntactic
structure in Icelandic. The tendency for new information to appear at the right
edge of a sentence is also manifested in various exceptions from the Definiteness
Restriction [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13 ref8">8, 13</xref>
        ]. The restriction prohibits definite DPs from acting as late
subjects in existential sentences with the dummy það (comparable to there in
English) but this restriction can be violated under certain conditions [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">9</xref>
        ].
(4)
      </p>
      <p>
        Það bilaði bíllinn.
there broke down the.car
‘The car broke down.’
Það er stíflaður vaskurinn.
there is clogged the.sink
‘The sink is clogged.’
The conditions for violating the Definiteness Restriction are, as Jónsson [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">9</xref>
        ]
demonstrates in (5) and (6), that the subject in the position to the right must
present new information.
(5)
(6)
      </p>
      <sec id="sec-2-1">
        <title>A: Af hverju komstu ekki á bílnum?</title>
        <p>‘Why didn’t you use the car to get here?’
B:
a. ??Nú, það bilaði bíllinn.
well there broke down the.car
‘Well, the car broke down.’
b. Nú, bíllinn bilaði.</p>
        <p>well, the.car broke down
‘Well, the car broke down.’</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-2-2">
        <title>A: Hvað gerðist eiginlega?</title>
        <p>‘What happened?’
B:
Það bilaði bíllinn.
there broke down the.car
‘The car broke down.’
Bíllinn bilaði.
the.car broke down
‘The car broke down.’
Various suggestions have been made to explain why heavy elements can be moved
to the right edge of a sentence, whereas lighter elements are not as easily shifted,
as demonstrated in example (7).
(7)
a. ?Stella read [to the children] [a book].</p>
        <p>
          b. Stella read [to the children] [a book about lions and tigers and bears].
One of these suggestions is that it serves the purpose of placing old information
closer to the sentence initial position and new and less predictable information
further to the right [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">12</xref>
          ]. Other accounts give more value to the sheer length
and/or complexity of the shifted element [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11 ref15 ref4">4, 11, 15</xref>
          ], rather than information
structure, although it has been demonstrated that both factors are weight
predictors for word order in English, independantly and simultaneously [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">1</xref>
          ]. Some
accounts have suggested that the relative length of the word-string the shifted
constituent moves over is also important [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref17 ref22">17, 22</xref>
          ].
        </p>
        <p>The question of how syntactic heaviness is best defined will not be addressed
in this paper, but whether it be information structure or length and/or
complexity, most of these accounts agree that rightward movement of heavy elements is
a means of facilitating processing and parsing. The question that remains to be
answered is whether heavy elements can only be moved to the right edge of a
sentence. The results from our study suggest that leftward-movement may serve
the same purpose.
3</p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>Edge weight rather than end weight</title>
      <p>
        Thráinsson described Left Dislocation in Icelandic [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref19">19</xref>
        ] as a construction with a
similar discourse function as Topicalization: the targeted constituent has usually
been introduced in the preceding discourse and its discourse function can be
described as a reintroduction of a discourse topic or theme. For this reason, the
targeted constituent is usually definite.
(8)
a. María sá prest í baenum í gaer.
      </p>
      <p>Mary saw priest downtown yesterday
‘Mary saw a priest downtown yesterday.’
b. *[Prestur], María sá [hann] í baenum í gaer.</p>
      <p>priest Mary saw him downtown yesterday</p>
      <p>Intended: ‘A priest, Mary saw him downtown yesterday.’
c. [Presturinn], María sá [hann] í baenum í gaer.</p>
      <p>the.priest Mary saw him downtown yesterday
‘The priest, Mary saw him downtown yesterday.’
The Left-Dislocated constituent is always in the nominative case but the
pronominal copy in situ carries the appropriate case.</p>
      <p>
        Prince [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14">14</xref>
        ] argued that, in some cases, Left Dislocation is in fact
Topicalization where Topicalization isn‘t possible (e.g. if the extraction site is in a relative
clause). She described Left Dislocation, at least in those instances, as a means
to amend a situation where grammatical processing is difficult or impossible.
      </p>
      <p>For our study, we searched Icelandic Parsed Historical Corpus (IcePaHC)for
examples of Left-Dislocated Subjects and Direct Objects and Topicalized Direct
and Indirect Objects. We compared the average length of the moved constituents
vs. the average length of constituents left in situ in each case.</p>
      <p>The aim of this study is to demonstrate that heavy syntactic constituents
are not only moved to the right edge, as discussed in section 2, but may also be
moved to the left edge, e.g. by Left Dislocation or Topicalization.</p>
      <p>Or first search was for Subjects moved by Left Dislocation vs Subjects in
situ. Or search gave 34191 examples, 193 of which had Left-Dislocated Subjects
(such as example (9)) and we found a significant difference in the length between
the two.
(9)
en fiskarnir sem þar inni lifa, þeir eru þó ekki saltir
but the fish that there inside life, they are though not salty
‘But the fish that live in there are not salty.’
(ID 1720.VIDALIN.REL-SER,.53)2
2 Examples from the IcePaHC corpus are shown along with their unique tree ID in
parentheses.
Our search showed that subjects in situ had the average length of : 2,1, whereas
Left-Dislocated subjects had the average length of : 9,6, as shown in Fig. 1
(Mann-Whitney U test: U = 77105, p&lt;0.001).</p>
      <p>As we see in Fig. 1, Left-Dislocated subjects are not only considerably longer
by number of words on average than subjects in situ, they also tend to be very
long in general. These results suggest that very long subjects are more likely to
be moved out of the main clause by Left Dislocation. The moved subjects would
have been on the left edge of the sentence anyway if they hadn’t been moved.
We wanted to know what happens with long constituents that are further away
from the clause initial position.
4</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>Move left only if not already on the right edge</title>
      <p>Our second search was for Direct Objects that have been moved by Left
Dislocation, such as example (10). We found 25005 examples, 28 of which had Left
Dislocated Objects.
(10)
[Þau orð] eg tala til yðar þau tala eg ei af sjálfum
[those words.acc] I speak to you they speak I not from self
mér
me
‘The words I speak to you, I speak not from myself’
(ID 1593.EINTAL.REL-OTH,.1039)</p>
      <p>Similarly to the left dislocated subjects, we found a significant difference in
the average length of left dislocated direct objects ( : 8) and direct objects in
situ ( : 2,57) (Mann-Whitney U test: U = 614480, p&lt;0.001).</p>
      <p>These search results confirm that both subjects and direct objects that are
moved by Left Dislocation tend to be very long and, on average, considerably
longer than the ones left in situ.</p>
      <p>Our next search was for examples with Topicalized vs. Non-Topicalized
constituents. First we looked for Topicalized Direct Objects, like we see in excample
(11) vs. Direct Objects in situ. We found 11688 examples, 1070 of which had
Topicalized Objects. Our search revealed that Non-Topicalized direct objects tend
to be significantly longer ( : 2,6) than Topicalized ones ( : 1,9) (Mann-Whitney
U test: U = 5442000, p=0.0128).
(11)
[Öllum þessum móðgunum] tóku landsmenn með þögn og
[All these insults.dat] took countrymen with silence and
þolinmaeði
patience
‘All these insults countrymen took with silence and patience.’
(ID 1907.LEYSING.NAR-FIC,.521)</p>
      <p>Although the length difference is nowhere near as great as in the
LeftDislocated examples, it is still significant and, interestingly, it is the opposite to
what we’ve previously seen, as the shifted constituents are, in this case, shorter
than the constituents in situ.</p>
      <p>We hypothesize that this could be explained by the fact that Direct Objects
in Icelandic tend to already be located on the right edge (11a), whereas Indirect
Objects are usually found in the middle, between the verb and Direct Object
(12b).
(12)
a.</p>
      <sec id="sec-4-1">
        <title>Pétur borðaði [hafragraut]. Peter ate [porridge] ‘Peter ate porridge.’</title>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-4-2">
        <title>Pétur gaf [Maríu] hafragraut.</title>
        <p>Peter gave [Mary] porridge
‘Peter gave Mary porridge.’
We decided to also search for Topicalized Indirect Objects vs Indirect Objects
in situ. Our search gave 2012 examples, out of which 57 had Topicalized Indirect
Objects, and it revealed the opposite results to the Direct Objects: that
Topicalized indirect objects include a larger number of words ( : 2,6) than those left
in situ ( : 1,5a) (Mann-Whitney U test: U = 77105, p&lt;0.001).
(13)
(14)
[Þeim sem við hallardyr sat] gaf hann digran gullhring
[They.dat that at palace door sat] gave he thick golden ring
‘Those that sat by the palace door he gave a thick golden ring.’
(ID 1480.JARLMANN.NAR-SAG,.790)
...</p>
        <p>To briefly summarize, our main findings were that constituents moved to the
left edge by Left Dislocation, Subjects and Direct Objects, tend to be very long
(on average they include more than 8 words) and significantly much longer than
constituents left in their original place. Topicalized Indirect Objects follow the
same pattern, although the average length difference is much smaller, whereas
Topicalized Direct Objects are significantly shorter by average number of words
than Direct Objects in situ.</p>
        <p>From these results we have drawn the following conclusions:</p>
        <p>Leftward movement, in particular Left Dislocation, is used to move
heavy elements to the left edge of the sentence, similarly to
rightward movement.</p>
        <p>Heavy elements that are already on the right edge of the sentence
do not need to undergo leftward movement, as they are already on
an edge.</p>
        <p>Heavy elements that are placed in the middle of a sentence may be
moved to either the left or right edge, whichever better suited in
each case to facilitate grammatical parsing.
5</p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-5">
      <title>Conclusion</title>
      <p>
        We found that moving something to the edge can facilitate parsing in cases
where speakers need to recover from a deeply embedded structure in the middle
of a clause. Some more general implications involve the fact that our study
illustrates how digital parsed corpora of historical languages are useful for studying
processing effects. Of course, while our results are already interesting, the effects
needs to be studied in more detail in experiments, taking into account other
variables and painting a clearer picture of how similar heaviness-driven leftward
movement is to heaviness-driven rightward movement. A further avenue of future
inquiry is to explore in more detail the relationship between Left Dislocation and
Topicalization in the light of analyses such as the one presented by Prince. [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14">14</xref>
        ].
      </p>
      <p>The main point here to show that movement to both edges is associated with
heaviness, not just to the right edge. Understanding what exactly the parsing
problem is is a bigger problem for a bigger research program. However, it
intuitively seems on the surface that both types of movement to the edge, i.e., to
the left and right, amend some kind of a processing difficulty – and that moving
heavy elements to the edge can sometimes ameliorate the situation.</p>
    </sec>
  </body>
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