=Paper=
{{Paper
|id=Vol-2395/paper3
|storemode=property
|title=Accommodating Indigenous People When Using Technology to Learn Their Ancestral Language
|pdfUrl=https://ceur-ws.org/Vol-2395/paper3.pdf
|volume=Vol-2395
|authors=Delaney Lothian,Gokce Akcayir,Carrie Demmans Epp
|dblpUrl=https://dblp.org/rec/conf/aied/LothianAE19
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==Accommodating Indigenous People When Using Technology to Learn Their Ancestral Language==
Accommodating Indigenous People When Using Technology to Learn Their Ancestral Language Delaney Lothian Gökçe Akçayır Carrie Demmans Epp Department of Computing Science Department of Computing Science Department of Computing Science University of Alberta University of Alberta University of Alberta Edmonton, Alberta, Canada Edmonton, Alberta, Canada Edmonton, Alberta, Canada dlothian@ualberta.ca akcayir@ualberta.ca demmanse@ualberta.ca ABSTRACT However, the historical and current social context of the majority This study explores the needs and expectations of Indigenous peo- of those who want to learn these languages means they will have ple of Western Canada with respect to learning their ancestral to do so outside of formal learning environments. Moreover, the language through technology. Using a qualitative phenomenologi- revitalization of these languages and their learning by members of cal research design, we conducted focus groups. Content analysis geographically-distributed communities means that technologies, of the collected data revealed they face various barriers that in- speci�cally adaptive computer assisted language learning (CALL) hibit their learning of their ancestral language. A lack of exposure tools, are well suited to supporting the independent and long-term to practice and limited resources are among these barriers. Our needs of these language learners. In this paper, we explore how In- �ndings demonstrate the importance of using the community di- digenous Canadians need and want to be accommodated in learning alect in technological tools to support learning ancestral languages their ancestral language through technology as a lifelong-learning instead of focusing only on vocabulary. Indigenous peoples’ ances- practice. tral language learning is associated with several socio-cultural and political aspects. However, it should be possible to promote this 1.1 Computer Assisted Language Learning lifelong-learning practice with the help of technologies that are Many Indigenous languages fall under the banner of less commonly designed to support individual learner needs and expectations. taught languages. These languages currently su�er from a lack of resources. This lack of resources can be attributed to low enrol- CCS CONCEPTS ment rates, few trained instructors, and a lack of textbooks [14]. • Computer Uses in Education; • Information interfaces and Although CALL could provide access to trained instructors, it cur- presentation (e.g., HCI); rently su�ers from a lack of already made resources and funding. This lack of e�ective and engaging resources is a common barrier to KEYWORDS language learning [18]. It is possible to increase the accessibility of these kinds of resources with CALL by enhancing access e�ciency Computer Assisted Language Learning (CALL), Language Revital- through digital multimedia technologies, authenticity using video ization, Ancestral Language, Indigenous, Informal Learning and the Internet, and comprehensibility through learner control ACM Reference Format: and multimedia annotations [24]. One advantage of multimedia Delaney Lothian, Gökçe Akçayır, and Carrie Demmans Epp. 2019. Accom- technologies for CALL is their allowance for the creation of stronger modating Indigenous People When Using Technology to Learn Their An- memory links and for faster completion of learning tasks [20]. Us- cestral Language. In Proceedings of AIED ’19: Workshop On Supporting Life- long Learning (SILL 2019) (AIED ’19). ACM, New York, NY, USA, 7 pages. ing video and the Internet for language learning can provide up to https://doi.org/10.1145/1122445.1122456 date and culturally-relevant learning material [9], as well as support the improvement of listening comprehension and oral production 1 INTRODUCTION [10][8]. Lastly, giving the user control through multimedia anno- For generations, the Indigenous peoples of Canada have been losing tations allows them to adapt said resources to their current level. their languages through forced assimilation as a result of govern- However, there is still a lack of research surrounding when certain ment programs such as the Indian Residential School system. Recent types of CALL technologies are appropriate for certain users and changes and recognition of the harm that was done through these contexts [11][19]. programs has resulted in reconciliation e�orts that focus, in-part, on the reclamation and re-learning of these almost lost languages. 1.2 Indigenous Language Learning It is common for an Indigenous person of North American to be Permission to make digital or hard copies of all or part of this work for personal or classroom Copyright useheld is granted by thewithout fee provided author(s). that copies are Use permitted not made under or distributed the CC-BY reluctant to learn or pass on their ancestral language because Eng- for pro�t or license commercial advantage and that copies bear this notice and the full citation CreativeCommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ lish (or French, depending on their location) is the language of on the �rst page. Copyrights for components of this work owned by others than ACM safety and success. This attitude can be a result of the everyday must be honored. Abstracting with credit is permitted. To copy otherwise, or republish, to post on servers or to redistribute to lists, requires prior speci�c permission and/or a experience of living in an English dominated society that requires fee. Request permissions from permissions@acm.org. English �uency and conformity for social and �nancial success. AIED ’19, June 25–29, 2019, Chicago, IL This results in “Native Americans who desire to succeed in pro- © 2019 Association for Computing Machinery. ACM ISBN 978-x-xxxx-xxxx-x/YY/MM. . . $15.00 fessional careers or who feel an attraction to popular culture or https://doi.org/10.1145/1122445.1122456 non-native religions often come to identify with the language of AIED ’19, June 25–29, 2019, Chicago, IL Lothian, Akçayır, and Demmans Epp those pursuits” [5]. Alongside internal pressures, this attitude is Language Project (facilitative), Cheyenne Dictionary (facilitative), supported by external pressures in the form of “policies and atti- Learn Cree Online (collaborative), Talk Sauk (collaborative), An- tudes in the majority society” [4]. This attitude is often the result ishinaabemda (instructional), and East Cree (instructional). As can of compulsory historical systems that were put in place, largely to be seen, each of the three activity types has an exemplar. However, eradicate Indigenous languages and cultures. In a survey done in a the full distribution of these websites across these activity types Navajo community in America, one respondent stated, in reference is unbalanced. Currently there is an “emphasis on memorization to their experience at an Indian Residential School, “if they caught of isolated vocabulary, as well as limited contexts of language use” us speaking Navajo, they would wash our mouths out with soap. I [23]. did not teach my sons Navajo. I did not want them to go through that. It was awful. English is the language to get ahead. I taught them English” [1]. Like America, Canada has a history of residential 1.4 Research Questions schools which were only fully closed “in 1996 after a duration of As can be seen above, Indigenous peoples’ attitudes towards learn- almost 150 years” [15]. ing their ancestral language can be mixed due the historical con- A key issue surrounding language revitalization is the integra- text of their community. These attitudes contribute to the barriers tion of Indigenous languages into established educational systems. faced by those who wish to learn their ancestral language. The The concerns surrounding this endeavour mainly stem from the current state of technologies that aim to support the learning of mainstream education system and how its approaches di�er from Indigenous languages also present a barrier. These technologies those traditionally used by Indigenous peoples when teaching their predominantly employ dictionary-like approaches rather than per- younger generation. For example, in the last 100 years, many In- sonalized approaches that support individual learner needs within digenous languages have been written down using either roman their context. orthography or a newly created alphabet of their own. However, Given this understanding we ask “How do members of Indige- most of these languages were traditionally strictly oral which has nous communities view the use of technology to support language lead to “controversy in some Aboriginal communities concerning revitalization?” and “How do Indigenous language learners want a whether the Aboriginal language should be written at all” [4]. CALL system to accommodate their language-learning journey?” Often in Indigenous communities, it is traditional for their an- cestral language to be passed on from older generations to younger ones. Moreover, this practice includes cultural teachings. Thus, 2 METHODS it naturally arises that a key desire for Indigenous people is that school-based language learning include “cultural teaching, for the This study was conducted in a phenomenological tradition, which involvement of elders, for the goal to be real �uency” [4]. Although is de�ned as “a description of the meaning of the lived experiences the attitudes Indigenous peoples have towards learning their an- for several individuals about a concept or a particular phenomenon” cestral language may be nuanced and contain negative elements, [6]. This is re�ected in the focus group questions as they elicit there are some that are strictly positive. As found in a survey of participants’ personal experiences with ancestral language and the Echota people of northern Alabama; they were interested in technology. learning their ancestral language because they value their ancestry, their language, and their cultural tradition. Simply put, “respon- dents ranked having Cherokee ancestors and keeping Cherokee 2.1 Participants tradition alive most frequently as their primary incentive” [16]. This study consisted of two focus groups, each with four partici- pants, for eight participants total. In this paper, participants have been given pseudonyms for readability. Participants were recruited 1.3 Technology and Indigenous Language through community contacts. All participants were from provinces Revitalization in Western Canada. Over half of participants had learned Michif or CALL programs can be classi�ed into three activity types: facili- Cree in a formal classroom setting. The most recent generation in tative, collaborative, and instructional [23]. Facilitative programs the participants’ family to attend Indian Residential Schools was focus on providing language basics without any formal instruction a parent for one participant; for three participants, it was their (e.g., dictionaries, songs). Collaborative programs aim to promote grandparents; for two, it was their great-grandparent. Two had “the inclusion of more than one student into the language instruc- never had a relative attend. For a detailed breakdown of the above tion”, and instructional technologies aim to explicitly teach learners demographics, see Table 1. one or more subsystems of the language. It is worth noting that two pairs of participants (Jessica and Tim With an increase of federal funding support programs, Indige- as well as Shirley and Richard) are in romantic relationships and nous language-learning technologies have become more numerous three participants have familial ties to each other: a pair of sisters in Canada. These instances of language-learning technologies often (Ashley and Amanda) and their distant relative (Shirley). Limiting take the form of websites and mobile applications. While there factors may have arisen from these relationships, such as a potential is increasing support and attention towards these technologies, reluctance to express an opinion within the focus group. While this they regularly encounter technical issues due to their reliance on can limit the diversity of ideas, avoiding these types of tight ties is “minimal grant funds as well as volunteer help” [23]. Some exam- di�cult because they are commonly encountered when working ples of these websites and their activity types are the Mohegan with members of this population. Accommodating Indigenous People in Language Learning AIED ’19, June 25–29, 2019, Chicago, IL Table 1: Participant Demographics Participant Self-Identi�cation Age (years) Gender Last Generation in Residential School English French Cree Michif Sarah First Nations 20-29 Female Parent X X X Kim First Nations 20-29 Female Grandparent X X X Jessica Métis 20-29 Female Grandparent X X X Tim First Nations 20-29 Male Grandparent X X Shirley Métis 70-79 Female None X X X Ashley Métis 50-59 Female Great Grandparent X X Amanda Métis 50-59 Female Great Grandparent X X X X Richard Métis 70-79 Male None X X X 2.2 Data Collection 3.2 Ancestral Language and Identity Data was collected during two focus groups consisting of four peo- When asked about how their ability to speak their ancestral lan- ple each. Participants were asked questions relating to their current guage is tied to their sense of self and to their sense of belonging in and familial relationship to their ancestral language(s), their expe- their community, most participants cited that learning or knowing rience learning their ancestral language(s) through technology and their ancestral language would give them a sense of connection to non-technology-based resources, and their desires and expectations their family, community, and culture. Amanda said, “language is for technologies that would teach their ancestral language(s). Note culture”, and Ashley said, “it’s that connection. For me, it’s history”. a semi-structured approach [21] was employed so these are not Tim also mentioned that learning Cree would help him connect with an exhaustive list of the topics that were discussed, and there was his grandfather, citing “my mosôm [grandfather in Cree] speaks variability across focus groups since follow-up questions were often like very little English. . . so there’s that like communication divide”. asked at the discretion of the interviewer. Kim cited that given the chance to practice and use what she had learned, she felt more connected: “It felt so good, like I just felt so 2.3 Data Analysis proud and connected and it just made, like it help me feel like a stronger connection to it and just more like this is my identity.” The recordings of the focus group interviews were transcribed and At least half of the participants indicated or implied that knowing analyzed using content analysis, without any coding scheme or more about their ancestral language gave them pride in their culture. pre-made template, by two researchers (Author 1 and 2). During the The younger participants were more likely to cite learning their analysis, a three stage process was employed [12]: review of data, ancestral language as a way of discovering and reclaiming their determining codes, and identifying themes. After going through all cultural identity, with Sarah stating “it’s like a step closer to learning stages of the process multiple times to validate �ndings, the data your identity” and Tim stating that learning Cree was a “reclamation analysis was �nalized. of culture and identity”. Older participants were more likely to cite learning or knowing 3 FINDINGS their ancestral language gave them a greater feeling of connection 3.1 Languages and Fluency with family, especially family from their childhood. Amanda said The participants cited English, French, Cree, and Michif1 as their that hearing Cree or Michif “reminds me of all the people of my ancestral languages. Seven participants cited English, seven cited childhood. . . so I feel like they’re with- connected when I hear it”. Cree, four cited French, and �ve cited a variant of Michif. See Table 1 for the language distributions of participants. Of the above languages Indigenous to Canada (Cree and Michif variants) two participants spoke or understood minimal Michif. Sarah described it as learning through interactions with her grand- 3.3 Language Transmission within Families father and Amanda described her �uency as “a little tiny bit of Cree The last generation in the participants’ families to speak Cree or Michif”. Five participants said they spoke or understood minimal to Michif �uently was a parent for half of the participants and a grand- intermediate Cree, with Jessica stating her “reading and writing is parent for the other half of the participants. more pro�cient than [her] actual oral”. Two participants spoke nei- It is worth noting that �ve participants also considered them- ther Cree or any variant of Michif. Of the participants who claimed selves or non-�uent parents when asked who was the last genera- some knowledge of Cree or any variant of Michif, �ve said they had tion in their family to speak the language. Children that were being been or are currently learning Cree or Michif formally through a taught were included in that consideration, with Sarah stating that class. Even for the participants who claimed no knowledge of Cree it has been “every generation for me so far because I’m going and or Michif, all participants cited at least hearing or being spoken to then my son will go” and Kim stating “I think like me learning Cree in Cree or Michif by family members. and like teaching it to my daughter”. As alluded to in the statements of Sarah and Kim, there are also instances of learning and teaching. At least half of the participants 1 “Michif is a mixed language historically derived from French and Cree” [22] mentioned teaching what they are learning to their children. AIED ’19, June 25–29, 2019, Chicago, IL Lothian, Akçayır, and Demmans Epp 3.4 Contributors to Language Loss resources that promote oral pro�ciency, stating that “we’re only Participants cited a number of reasons for loss of ancestral language taught to write and translate”. inheritance within their family or communities. For the participants From the perspective of adult language learning, a common who were 50 years of age and above, they were more likely to cite the challenge cited by those who had taken formal classes in Cree or societal climate of the 20th century in Western Canada. This group Michif was the di�culty of interacting with �uent speakers who was also more likely to credit regular day school or residential learned the language as a child. The main di�culty appeared to school attendance with the loss of their language. Richard said, be a di�erence in understanding of the language, along with the “[Cree] was a dangerous language at one time” and “[my parents] words used to describe that understanding. Kim stated that “you wouldn’t teach me any language because they had such a hard time can’t mention conjugating verbs because [my grandmother]’s like at school”. Shirley, who is of the same generation, con�rmed “[my ‘I don’t know what the hell you’re talking about”’, and Jessica stated parents] had such a hard time but my mother, when she went to that “it’s really di�cult when you’re trying to articulate a problem school, they didn’t know the language”. Similarly, Ashley stated you’re having and their like ‘what are you talking about?”’. that “I remember my grandma even saying like ‘it’s just too hard Another notable challenge was that of those being taught Cree for you’, and I think that was their fear”. or Michif in a classroom setting; the dialect they were taught was All of those aged 20-29 mentioned or alluded to being put in often a standard dialect and not the same as the community dialect French Immersion school programs for the bene�t of better job spoken by friends and family members. Kim shared that “me and prospects. Jessica stated that initially her parents’ goal was for her my grandma don’t necessarily speak the same dialect”, which can to go into government. Sarah, Kim, and Tim all concurred that they further hinder the informal language-learning and practice oppor- had similar experiences with their parents. For the participants who tunities that are inherent to communicating with other speakers. reported growing up around their ancestral language, a common Speaking a di�erent dialect as a learner can also in�uence one’s reason for not practicing the language was not being aware as a con�dence because there is a mismatch between what you know child that their parents or grandparents were speaking a di�er- and what is spoken within your community. Consistent with this, ent language. Amanda cited that “I didn’t know [my mother] was participants widely cited a lack of con�dence. This could take the speaking Cree” and Ashley agreed by stating “when you’re raised shape of being too intimidated to attend conversational groups or with it, you don’t realize . . . so to me it wasn’t another language. It feeling as though they were encroaching on a space if they were to was, that was, my mother”. attend a conversational group or class hosted by an outside commu- Five participants said another reason they did not inherit their nity. Along with this, �ve participants cited one or more instances ancestral language was due to family members marrying non- of being laughed at or a fear of being laughed at. Sarah stated that Indigenous people. The reason being, speci�cally, the desire not “I feel intimidated sometimes. . . I don’t wanna say nothing because to alienate non-Indigenous spouses by speaking their ancestral what if I really mess it up”. There was also mention of “Indigenous language. Sarah stated that “my grandmother on [my mother’s] humour” referencing the phenomenon of cultural teasing which side married an Italian so she grew up learning Italian”, and Kim may impede learners’ willingness to take public risks with respect to said “[my grandmother] was gonna teach me Cree when I was a their language learning. Jessica said “it’s de�nitely a common thing kid but it just didn’t happen because [my grandfather] didn’t know among like Indigenous communities to like make fun, poke fun” Cree so. . . you don’t wanna alienate them”. and Richard stated, referencing family and community members, that “they used to laugh at me, the way I pronounced things”. 3.5 Challenges in Learning Ancestral Languages 3.6 Experiences Using Non-Technology When asked about the challenges they faced trying to learn Cree or Resources to Learn Ancestral Languages Michif, the most cited challenge was a lack of exposure to the lan- Participants were asked to describe their experiences using non- guage and lacking opportunities for practice. This problem existed technology resources to learn their ancestral language. The non- both for those who had taken formal classes and those learning in technology resources cited are mostly visual resources such as informal environments. For example, Sarah cited not having the picture books, labelled posters, and workbooks. Ashley cited that class every day as a barrier. Four others speci�cally discussed how “Dr. Anne Anderson had the cassette tapes and the workbook, so they were not able to continue practicing or using their language. we’d be doing that”. Kids’ books were described as a way to practice As Richard said “if you don’t use it, you lose it”. that was not intimidating and also something that could be done Related to this challenge is a lack of resources that left partici- with their kids. Kids’ books were also described as useful because pants feeling as though they did not have the opportunity to further they were often accompanied by English translations. Sarah stated their language learning by challenging themselves with indepen- that “[kids books have] short little words and it’s stu� that I can say dent learning activities. One participant (Kim) said “not having the because obviously that Cree is the Cree that we’re learning here”. opportunity to challenge myself with like new words” was an issue. There were also mentions of learning through family members. Speci�cally mentioned by Jessica and Tim were a lack of resources Richard stated that “I was taught by my auntie more than anyone”. that help you learn the structure of the language and promote the When asked what di�culties the participants faced when using ability to have a spoken conversation. Tim stated that “there is a these resources, there was often the complaint that they were very pretty distinct lack of resources besides just like de�nitional dic- time consuming. Ashley stated that “life just got in the way and tionaries and things online”. As well, Sarah mentioned a lack of you didn’t have time and you didn’t have a set study time”. Accommodating Indigenous People in Language Learning AIED ’19, June 25–29, 2019, Chicago, IL 3.7 Experiences Using Technology Resources see their community dialect re�ected in the technology teaching to Learn Ancestral Languages their ancestral language. Ashley stated “if we could bring the speak- ers back with technology, the language spoken in [my community] When asked to describe technology they have used previously to in particular”. help learn their ancestral language, participants often listed applica- Many participants often spoke about wanting to be able to learn tions as resources, with mobile dictionaries and vocabulary-based the structure of the language so that they may talk with others. applications dominating the list. Sarah said: “Cree Dictionary! On- Amanda wanted “an app or something that makes it easy to learn line!” as a likely reference to an app called Online Cree Dictionary. conversation”. There were also mentions of desires for technol- Jessica stated “I have two digital dictionaries on my phone. Be- ogy that could translate language. Ashley and Sarah cited some tween Cree and Michif I have like �ve apps. . . they have games on form of earbud or hearing aid that could translate spoken language them”, and Shirley cited “I have [an] app on my phone because instantaneously. [my relative] gave me her phone. She had all the Cree words on Although some instances were implicit, like wishing technology there and what they meant”. There were also mentions of tech- could bring back �uent family members that have passed away, nology resources that employed audio or visual resources such as there was a general desire for technology that could mimic the songs, radio, and recordings of conversation. Amanda mentioned skills of a �uent speaker that could converse with the user and also recording Michif songs sung in a class on her phone, as well as provide feedback, essentially a Cree arti�cial intelligence. Amanda listening to Cree on a radio station. Finally there were mentions stated “I want a Cree speaking AI, hanging out with me all the time”. of participants using social media groups for communal learning, Similarly, Sarah cited a desire for “a 24/7 hologram tutor when you such as on Facebook. get stuck”. Kim suggested providing “a feedback opportunity. . . like When asked what they did not like about the technology they a chat bubble or something like ‘how the hell do you say this?’ like have used to learn their ancestral language, participants often cited that would be helpful”. di�culties stemming from inconsistencies in spelling and dialects across technologies. Participants who had taken formal classes on their ancestral languages often cited that even when it was a familiar 4 DISCUSSION dialect, the spelling was often non-standardized, which impeded Our �ndings revealed that participants felt a sense of shame that their learning. Kim stated that “It’s hard because not all of them are existed either from personal experience or that was passed down like the right dialect or they don’t have like the right spelling” and predominantly from the last generation with respect to language Jessica stated that “this isn’t the word that I want to copy and paste” and culture. This feeling presents another challenge for learners of in reference to dictionaries and the non-standard way in which Indigenous languages because they need to motivate, manage, and the entries are conjugated. There were also complaints regarding monitor their learning [3], and their shame can interfere with their the standard roman orthography (SRO) that Cree is written in. The ability to perform these functions of self-directed learning. It is standard spellings are not necessarily phonetically transparent, common for previous and current generations to have been forced which makes it di�cult for those without training to create or use to learn English or French through attending either residential or resources. Jessica commented that “[if you] learned it as a child, public schools. This fact and learners’ current attitudes should be you aren’t going to inherently know the SRO format but, like, for taken into consideration when designing an Indigenous language- us, who are learning the SRO format, it’s also like really confusing learning system because its intended users may have been told that sometimes”. learning their language would not only be unhelpful to living a successful life but may also hinder their success. 3.8 Expectations of Technologies for Ancestral One of the biggest challenges Indigenous people face when learn- Language Learning ing their ancestral language is a lack of access to speakers to prac- The �nal portion of the focus groups were a kind of co-design tice with. Even though people want to be able to communicate with the participants. Participants were asked questions relating to with their own family and community members, most families their wants and needs for learning their ancestral language with only have speakers who belong to the grandparents’ generation. technology. Participants were positive or neutral about seeing their This gap in cultural and language knowledge within their fami- culture integrated into technologies that taught their ancestral lies makes it di�cult to learn and develop a connection with their language. The responses often centered around how they did not culture, community, and family because they believe that learning feel there was a clear separation between language and culture. In their ancestral language builds this connection. This desire could be relation to their expectations, Shirley stated “medicines would be accommodated by creating a language-learning system that helps great. Drying the �sh and the way they did in the smoke house” users interact with a grandparent who speaks the language. A sys- and Amanda stated “�ddling and jigging, somehow”. tem could, for example, teach a user to help their grandparent with When asked how they would like to see technology accommo- a medical visit or teach a user how to ask for and understand cul- date them in learning their ancestral language, a few participants tural knowledge. Akin to this is the expressed desire to learn the said they would like technology that is engaging, that keeps their dialect that is speci�c to the user’s community. Achieving this goal attention, and that provides ways to keep them interested in using would facilitate bridging communication gaps when speaking with it again. Ashley said “something like that, gives you an alert every community and family members. day and every day you got a new word so that was really helpful. As cited by most participants, there is an aspect of cultural teas- Something like that would be nice”. They also expressed a desire to ing amongst First Nations and Métis groups in Western Canada. AIED ’19, June 25–29, 2019, Chicago, IL Lothian, Akçayır, and Demmans Epp An e�ective system for teaching Indigenous ancestral languages ACKNOWLEDGMENTS would be able to help a user not only gain con�dence but avoid This work was funded by the Natural Sciences and Engineering pitfalls where embarrassment could arise. For example, in Plains Research Council of Canada. Cree, there are many instances of similar sounding words that have vastly di�erent and sometimes taboo meanings. A system that high- lights when such a mistake could be made, or better yet identi�es REFERENCES when the user makes that mistake, would accommodate this user [1] Ann Batchelder and Sherry Markel. 2000. An Initial Exploration of the Navajo Nation’s Language and Culture Initiative. 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