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    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>The di usion of fake news through the "middle media" - contaminated online sphere in Japan</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Hirotaka Kawashima</string-name>
          <email>kwsmhr@gmail.com</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1">1</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Hiroyuki Fujishiro</string-name>
          <email>fujisiro@hosei.ac.jp</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>Faculty of Social Sciences, Hosei University</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>4342 Aihara-machi, Machida-shi, Tokyo</addr-line>
          ,
          <country country="JP">Japan</country>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff1">
          <label>1</label>
          <institution>Graduate School of Sociology, Hosei University</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>2-17-1 Fujimi, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo</addr-line>
          ,
          <country country="JP">Japan</country>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <pub-date>
        <year>2019</year>
      </pub-date>
      <abstract>
        <p>The purpose of our research is to determine how fake news is disseminated on the Japanese portion of the internet. We adopted the national election held in October 2017 as a case. We found a fake news on an opposition politician was di used through some intermediate media, so called "Middle Media" in Japan, and these media had the key role in hindering the distribution of correcting information. Our nding suggests that if middle media have a large presence in your country, the e ect of correcting information, currently regarded as a solution, will decrease as a result.</p>
      </abstract>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>-</title>
      <p>To elucidate the viral structure of fake news is an
emergent issue. Triggered by the U.S. presidential
election, the e ects of fake news are being reported in a
number of countries. Related to the U.S. presidential
election in 2016, social media have been mentioned as
a eld of intervention from abroad. This
maneuvering is named "Russia gate". On 2017, October 31th
and November 1st, Facebook, Google and Twitter
invited by Congress to answer on Russian use of their
platform in campaign ([Lap17]). Facebook deposed
that as many as 126 million people have been possibly
exposed to 80,000 posts from a Russian propaganda
group during two years at election. Google deposed
that they had banned 18 YouTube accounts identi ed
as the Russian propaganda group which had uploaded
a total of 1,108 videos. Twitter also deposed that their
statistics on Russia's organic reach on twitter in two
and a half months last year, that is 1.4 million tweets
and 288 million impressions by Russian bot accounts.
It has become increasingly di cult for the public to
discern facts from ction.</p>
      <p>Aside from practical struggle by journalists,
academic approaches have been also reported. [All17],
gathered a database of fake news articles that
circulated in the three months before the U.S. presidential
election in 2016. The authors also conducted an
online survey to acquire demographics, political a
liation, news consumption and whether participant can
recall some speci c news headline including fake news.
Based on regression model, they show some polarized
beliefs like "People believe what they want to believe"
and Bayesian model. [Dar17], collected top 50 most
retweeted tweets of each day from September 1st, 2016
to November 8th, 2016 (Election Day). They
categorized those tweets based on whether the tweet is
supporting or attacking and that is whether neutral or
irrelevant to either candidate. They found the Trump
campaign was more attacking and Trump supporters
were more likely to share links from websites which
are of questionable credibility than Clinton
supporters. [Dav16], had developed a web service to evaluate
whether each twitter account is human-controlled or
an automated bot.[Sha17] had based on that system.
They focused on the role of social bots in the spread
of misinformation and found the active role of social
bots in the spread of misinformation. [Zub18]
distinguished two types of rumors on social media, which
are long-standing rumors and newly emerging rumors.
Based on this demarcation they resolve the solutions
into four component; rumor detection, rumor tracking,
rumor stance classi cation, and rumor veracity
classication.</p>
      <p>Meanwhile, in Japan, little has been reported on
the context of fake news though viral structure on
misinformation and disinformation in natural disaster
situations has been big theme based on Japanese
experiences of an earthquake and nuclear accidents at
2011. The Japanese national election was held in
October 2017. We targeted this national election as a
case and collected questionable claims about
candidates and parties on social media during the elections.
In this research, we empirically show the role of
intermediate media between social media and mass media
in the viral structure of fake news though the case
study on the national election in Japan.
2</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>Middle Media Model</title>
      <p>The structure of media is in uenced to no small extent
by the country and the society. In Japanese case, there
are a lot of intermediates between mass media and
personal media such as news aggregators and content
curators. Here, examples of mass media are TVs or
portal sites and examples of personal media are social
media, personal blogs or bulletin boards. [Fuj06] called
these intermediates "middle media" in the Japanese
context. Personal media are assembled and
summarized by middle media. Middle media provide the
content to mass media and mass media deliver the news
made of the contents from middle media to public.
Although the role of middle media has been recognized
and pronounced in the eld of Japanese journalism,
that has remained at only insight without data from
concrete case studies. In this research we adopt this
middle media model and de ne them as media that
fulll the existing gap between mass and personal media,
to clarify the viral structure of fake news and try to
connect this conceptual model with the data from
focused case of the Japanese national election. We
classify each media related to the focused fake news into
mass media, middle media or personal media based
on the de nition. This classi cation and tracking fake
news during the election gives us factual evidences on
the role of middle media.
3</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>Research Question</title>
      <p>Based on these social background and middle media
model on Japanese context, we xed a research
questions on the role of middle media. RQ1, the role on the
distribution: middle media functions as the
intermediate not only between the mass media and the public
(personal media) but also between the personal
media and the mass media in distributing questionable
claims. RQ2, the role on the context: middle
media add or change the context of questionable claims
through the di usion process.
4</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>Data Collection</title>
      <p>Finally, the dataset in this research is composed of the
following four types of data. These four data are
related to a fake news on an opposition politician, which
di used through mass, middle and personal media in
the campaign.</p>
      <sec id="sec-4-1">
        <title>A. 566 tweets which mention that fake news.</title>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-4-2">
        <title>B. 126 unique web pages (URLs) linked from A. C. 148 tweets which mention the correcting information.</title>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-4-3">
        <title>D. 25 unique web pages (URLs) linked from C.</title>
        <p>Here we describe the collecting protocol of data
collection and related mother project. As the rst step,
questionable claims related to the election had been
collected during the campaign, which was
administered as a temporal project by Japan Center of
Education for Journalist (JCEJ). We joined this online
veri cation project. Collaborating journalists from a
total of 19 media companies (newspapers, TV
broadcasts and web media) veri ed the questionable claims.
The project published ve debunks related to the
campaign. Of the ve debunks, we speci cally looked into
fake news related to an opposition politician. The
politician is Kiyomi Tsujimoto, an incumbent
candidate from opposition rst party (at the election). She
had already won six national elections (and as a result,
achieved seventh at this election). She has been elected
many times, which indicate her presence and news
hook. Her twitter account (@tsujimotokiyomi) has
stopped tweeting from July 30th, 2015 and the
number of followers is 19,240 (as of October, 2017), that is
relatively small as an active Diet member.
Additionally, Public O ces Election Act in Japan prohibits all
candidates to send their message through social
media. In other words, she had di culty in responding
to questionable claims immediately during the
election. The content of the fake news is described
below. It was published on September 29th, 2017 by the
middle media named J-CAST News
(https://www.jcast.com). The title of the article is "Kiyomi
Tsujimoto has fallen into 'insanity', it's been coming up
a lot on internet. She remained silent despite
questions by reporters. Suddenly, she said something
ambiguous." After this claim was distributed, J-CAST
News publish the correcting information at October
4th. Both the article (fake news) and its correcting
information are target of this research to track the
viral paths and features. As the second step of data
collection, we searched related tweets based on the
keyword "Tsujimoto" and/or words within the article
from September 29th to November 14th. After
collecting related tweets, human coders judged whether
each tweet is about the original fake news or its
correcting information. Here we obtained A. 566 tweets
which mention that fake news and C. 148 tweets which
mention the correcting information. As the third step
of data collection, we extracted URLs and its linked
web pages from those tweets. After deduplications, we
also reextracted another URL linked from those web
pages to another web media. Here we obtained B. 126
unique web pages (URLs) linked from A and D. 25
unique web pages (URLs) linked from C.
5</p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-5">
      <title>Results</title>
      <p>Table 1 shows a breakdown of mass, middle, and
personal media in our data. "Number of sites" refers to
the unique number of sites linked to collected tweets
related to the fake news in question. "Average of
numbers of tweets" means the average number of tweets in
each mentioned media. "S.D. of numbers of tweets"
means the standard deviation of tweets of each
mentioned media.</p>
      <p>Figure 1 shows the distributions of each media on
Twitter related to the fake news, or its correcting
information. Circles represent the media content linked
in tweets, and the size of the circles represent the
number of tweets. The horizontal axis shows the time, and
the vertical axis in each media type demonstrates the
order of appearance.</p>
      <p>Figure 2 shows the di usion of the fake news, and its
correcting information across three media types. The
circle indicates the total number of tweets based on
summation, by websites which mentioned the previous
website in that sequence, and circle size indicates the
number of tweets.</p>
      <p>Figure 3 shows the changes in the fake news
headline through the di usion process. Horizontal axis
indicates the time series, the upper block shows the
transition of fake news, and lower block shows the
transition of correcting information.
6</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-6">
      <title>Discussion</title>
      <p>First, we look at RQ1, the distribution role: middle
media functions as the intermediate not only between
the mass media and the public (personal media) but
also between the personal media and the mass media
in distributing questionable claims. We can see in
Table 1 that the correcting information was distributed
less than the original fake news. In addition, Figure 1
shows another information. To see horizontal (time
series) distribution, once happening the fake news from
middle media or original tweet which failed the seed of
fake news, the news is distributed to other middle
media, mass media and personal media in relatively short
term. However, this is di erent for its correcting
information. The di usion of correcting information is less,
not only in amount but also in velocity. Figure 2 gives
us the path of distribution, and quantitative
information. It indicates that the original fake news content
di used through middle media, and once the ampli
cation by middle media reached mass media, middle
media picked the topic up again, as the article from
mass media (the upper block). On the other hand,
middle media did not pick the correcting information
in terms of the amount and velocity (the lower block).</p>
      <p>As a result, this asymmetrical property promotes the
di usion of fake news, and inhibits the transfer of
correcting information. We can summarize two ndings
from the discussion on RQ1. Middle media have an
active role on the distribution of fake news, mediating
fast and extensively between mass and personal
media. Also, middle media have a passive role on
hindering the distribution of correcting information by not
transmitting it as much as the original fake news.</p>
      <p>Second, we review RQ2, the context role: middle
media add or change the context of uncertain claims
through the di usion process. For RQ2, we show the
transition of the news title in Figure 3. Based on our
survey, the rst seed of this fake news was determined
as a TV news video, broadcast on September 28th. In
that video, Kiyomi Tsujimoto left the press interview
with negative comments. When the news program was
aired, a tweet mentioning the interview was posted (A
in Figure 3). The tweet was caught by a tweet
curation site (seikeidouga.blog.jp, B in Figure 3). At
that time, the tweet curation site (middle media) gave
the story a headline "Kiyomi Tsujimoto has gone
'insane'." Another middle media, J-CAST News, caught
this topic, and published their article with the title,
"Kiyomi Tsujimoto has gone 'insane'; it's gone viral.</p>
      <p>She remained silent at the reporter's question.
Suddenly, she said something ambiguous." (C in Figure
3). The part of the title, "it's gone viral" indicates a
feature of middle media. Through this path: tweet,
curated tweets, middle media article, the context "It's
gone viral on the internet that Kiyomi Tsujimoto has
gone `insane'" was added up. After J-CAST News,
each middle media made their own article, with their
own headlines. The title of the news has repeatedly
changed (D in Figure 3). J-CAST News is a middle
media, which delivers to Yahoo! News. Yahoo! News
is one of a largest portal sites in Japan (i.e. Yahoo!
News is in mass media.) The tipping point of di
usion was when Yahoo! News and the other portal sites</p>
      <p>Figure 3: Changes in the fake news headline through the di usion process.
published the article from J-CAST News (E in Figure
3).</p>
      <p>On the other hand, the changes in correcting
information exhibited a di erent appearance. The point
of origin was an article on JCEJ blog that posted the
result of fact-checking. After publication by JCEJ,
a mass media website introduced the the debunk by
JCEJ. However, the mass media article (Tokyo
Shimbun, http://www.tokyo-np.co.jp) was focused more on
the activity of fact-checking rather than the result of
fact-checking. This article had not been picked up by
any middle media. Subsequently, Kiyomi Tsujimoto
published an o cial statement on her website. Some
middle media organizations picked up this statement
(F in Figure 3), but no article on middle media made
it to mass media. During these transmissions, middle
media modi ed the title of the article. One middle
media organization introduced the correcting claim,
but the title and contents were focused on the
con</p>
      <p>ict between Kiyomi Tsujimoto and J-CAST News (F
in Figure 3). Here, we found an additional
qualitative role of the middle media in changing the context
by adding or changing the headline of claims of both
original fake news and its correcting information.
7</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-7">
      <title>Limitations and Future Works</title>
      <p>Although our results have consistency with research
questions and their background model, there are three
limitations and corresponding future works. First, the
number of cases is not enough because this research is
one of the rst attempts to elucidate the viral
structure of fake news in Japan related to political events
such as elections. Future research should consider a
signi cant sample size of fake news, not just one. The
samples will provide the classi cation on both the type
of generation status and the type of structural paths.
Additionally, the correlations will progress to clarify
the structure of fake news virality. Second, we do
not know who disseminated fake news on social
media, because the focus of this research is categorizing
related media into mass, middle, or personal. In
future works, we should analyze each personal media,
especially Twitter and Facebook accounts. If network
and public pro les are linked to fake news, clustering
the layer of transmitters can be clari ed. Third, our
model of layered media remains a matter of
sophistication. The interface between mass and middle media,
and between personal and middle media are possible
feature amount for identi cations.
8</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-8">
      <title>Conclusion</title>
      <p>In this paper, we showed the roles of middle media
in the structure of fake news virality in the Japanese
media ecosystem. Middle media has three roles. First,
middle media have an active role on the distribution of
fake news as the fast and extensive mediator, and
functionally ful ll the existing gap between mass and
personal media. Second, middle media have a passive role
on hindering the distribution of correcting information
by not transmitting correcting information, as much as
it does original fake news. Third, middle media has a
qualitative role in changing the context, by adding or
changing the title of claims of both the original fake
news and its correcting information. Our ndings
suggest that if middle media have a large presence in your
country, the e ect of correcting information, currently
regarded as a solution, will decrease as a result.
Acknowledgements
The authors are grateful to Rino Yoshii for
supporting data collection and discussion. This work
was supported by JSPS KAKENHI Grant Number
JP18K11997.</p>
    </sec>
  </body>
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