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    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Battle for Britain: Analysing drivers of political tribalism in online discussions about Brexit</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Samantha North</string-name>
          <email>s.north@bath.ac.uk</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1">1</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Lukasz Piwek</string-name>
          <email>lzp20@bath.ac.uk</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1">1</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Adam Joinson</string-name>
          <email>aj266@bath.ac.uk</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1">1</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>In: A. Aker, D. Albakour, A. Barron-Ceden~o, S. Dori-Hacohen,</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>M. Martinez, J. Stray, S. Tippmann (eds.): Proceedings of the, NewsIR'19 Workshop at SIGIR</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>Paris, France, 25-July-2019, published at http://ceur-ws.org</addr-line>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff1">
          <label>1</label>
          <institution>University of Bath</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>Bath</addr-line>
          ,
          <country country="UK">UK</country>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <abstract>
        <p>This position paper details ongoing work exploring political tribalism in online discussions about Brexit. We use computational methods to analyze a Twitter dataset of signi cant size (over 7 million tweets spanning 32 months of conversations), using group identity keywords (e.g. Brexiteer, Remainer) as a proxy for tribalism. Initial results indicate that levels of tribalism increase over time for all keywords, in particular for pro-EU ones (Remainer, Remoaner). We also nd a number of anomalies in the volume of tribal keyword use over time, which may relate to real-life political events. Here we discuss initial ndings and brie y present ideas for further research.</p>
      </abstract>
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      <title>-</title>
      <p>Virtual 'tribes', or interest communities, have long
been common on the internet [AS08], but recent years
have seen a distinct upswing in tribalism of a distinctly
political nature. In the UK, tribalism has rede ned
the political landscape along new identity-based lines,
with many voters abandoning traditional voting
preferences [HLT18]. Britain's new tribes represent votes
in the 2016 EU referendum: Leave or Remain. The
digital age has exacerbated political tribalism, in part
because social media users can easily cluster in echo
chambers lled with like-minded individuals. Based
Copyright c 2019 for the individual papers by the papers'
authors. Copying permitted for private and academic purposes.
This volume is published and copyrighted by its editors.
on the network e ect of homophily, echo chambers
increase polarization by diminishing the likelihood of
exposure to con icting viewpoints. This creates tribes,
which in turn may have negative e ects on social
cohesion and the health of democratic societies. Although
various studies have discussed online polarization, few
have systematically explored the potential driving
factors of political tribalism from a computational
standpoint on a dataset of this size (over 7 million tweets
from 32 months of conversations). Possible driving
factors could include group con ict dynamics, automated
ampli cation (e.g. by bots), reciprocity or
disinformation. We discuss ongoing work that uses
computational methods to analyze these factors in relation to
the Brexit discussion on Twitter.
2
2.1</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>Related</title>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>Work</title>
      <sec id="sec-3-1">
        <title>Political Polarization Online</title>
        <p>Much research has established that social media
encourages polarization of its users, according to the
principle of homophily[MSLC01]. Extreme group
polarization is harmful to democracy and social
cohesion because it risks diluting the environment of
free discussion that ought to characterize healthy
democracies[Sun73]. People engulfed in echo chambers
of their own making may be less capable of listening
to or empathizing with the perspectives of others,
especially those from the opposing political side. Other
studies have indicated that social media users do
engage in discussion, but do so in a way that reinforces
rather than breaks down boundaries between groups
[KFS05]. When discussion involves outgroup
derogation, one-upmanship, and challenges to existing
viewpoints, groups may risk becoming further polarized,
known as the 'back re e ect' [NR10]. A notable early
study of US political blogs [AG05] demonstrated the
existence of online polarization, where bloggers from
both sides of the political spectrum would primarily
link to others on their own side. On Twitter,
ndings from Yardi and Boyd further support this while
also drawing an important link between online
polarization and group identity. Examining 30,000 tweets
from users on both sides of the US abortion debate,
Yardi and Boyd found that group identity is
strengthened when like-minded users reply to each other. But
when di erent-minded users reply, their group a
liations are reinforced [YB10]. More recent work
provides further support for this idea. Bail et al. found
that groups of Twitter users (one Democrat, one
Republican) reinforced their existing views after repeated
exposure to opposing ones [BAB+18].
2.2</p>
        <p>Group Con ict and Threat Perception
We turn to group con ict theories to further guide our
analysis. Previous work on intergroup behavior has
found evidence of tribal tendencies [SHW+54]; [TT79].
In particular, intergroup threat theory suggests that
perceptions of threat (either realistic or symbolic)
increase the likelihood of two opposing groups
behaving negatively towards one another (outgroup
derogation), such as in political settings [ODD08]. Realistic
threat is de ned as concern about physical harm or
loss of resources, while symbolic threat is based on
concerns about challenges to ingroup identity and
values [SYM10]. For Remainers, symbolic threat
challenges a cosmopolitan, tolerant and open identity,
while for Leavers, threat is more likely to target ideas
of sovereignty, control and national pride. We
identify Brexit tribalism through the presence of two pairs
of keywords, Brexiteer and Remainer or Brextremist
and Remoaner; the second set more derogatory than
the rst. We hypothesize that the volume of these
keywords will increase when real-life events occur that
either group may perceive as a symbolic threat.
3
3.1</p>
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    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>Methods</title>
      <sec id="sec-4-1">
        <title>Data Collection</title>
        <p>Our dataset consists of tweets from June 1, 2016 to
February 13, 2019, extracted from Twitters Historical
PowerTrack API. We queried for two pairs of keywords
(as described above) that we believed could be used to
indicate a liation with a Brexit tribe and potentially
negative attitudes towards the opposition. The raw
JSON dataset was of signi cant size, so we extracted
only the relevant columns for this analysis (text, date
and tweet id). We then generated a frequency
column to count how many times each keyword occurred
on each date. To construct our events timeline, we
combined three existing Brexit timelines from British
mainstream media sources.
3.2
To discover statistical anomalies for volume of
keywords on any speci c date, we ran the data through
the R library anomalize. Next, we combined the events
timeline with the anomalies data to reveal
relationships between events and anomalies. The three
highest anomaly spikes related to the unprecedented
parliamentary defeat of Theresa May's Brexit deal, the
launch of the 'Chequers deal' and the European
Commission urging member states to prepare for a no-deal
Brexit.
4</p>
      </sec>
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    <sec id="sec-5">
      <title>Initial Findings</title>
      <p>Initial results from the anomaly detection work show
a general trend towards increased use of all keywords
over time, indicating an upswing in Brexit tribalism
online. This e ect is more pronounced for the
keywords 'Remainer' and 'Remoaner', which could
indicate either outgroup derogation aimed at pro-EU
voters (Remoaner/Remainer), or pro-EU voters
identifying as their own tribe (Remainer). We have also
found indications that anomalies increase around
certain Brexit-related events that could be viewed as
symbolic threats. To reinforce these ndings, our next step
will be to conduct text analysis (likely using word2vec)
on tweets around each anomaly to understand whether
perceptions of threat are driving them. Perceptions
of threat are not the only factor that may be
driving political polarization online; the existence of
information operations targeting Western democracies has
been much documented, and deliberate e orts may
be taking place to manipulate the Brexit discussion
[BM19] ; [HK16]. On Twitter, cyber armies often use
bots to amplify certain content. Seeding of
disinformation into the social media ecosystem is also
common. Disinformation and tribalism are deeply linked,
as one of the central goals of information operations
is to divide Western societies over controversial
political issues, such as abortion, immigration and national
identity. In our follow up work, we will attempt to
quantify the e ects of both bot activity and
disinforming content on tribalism and political polarization in
the Brexit discussion online.
[AG05]
[AS08]</p>
      <p>Lada A. Adamic and Natalie Glance. The
political blogosphere and the 2004 US
election: Divided they blog. In
Proceedings of the 3rd International Workshop on
Link Discovery, LinkKDD '05, pages 36{
43, New York, NY, USA, 2005. ACM.</p>
      <p>Tyrone Adams and Stephen Smith. A tribe
by any other name. In Tyrone Adams and
Stephen Smith, editors, Electronic Tribes:
A virtual world of geeks, gamers, shamans
and scammers., chapter 1, pages 11{20.</p>
      <p>University of Texas Press: Austin, 2008.
[BAB+18] Christopher A. Bail, Lisa P. Argyle,
Taylor W. Brown, John P. Bumpus, Haohan
Chen, M. B. Fallin Hunzaker, Jaemin Lee,
Marcus Mann, Friedolin Merhout, and
Alexander Volfovsky. Exposure to
opposing views on social media can increase
political polarization. Proceedings of the
National Academy of Sciences, 115(37):9216{
9221, 2018.
[Sun73]
[SYM10]
[TT79]
[YB10]</p>
      <p>Con ict and Cooperation: The Robbers
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      <p>Cass R. Sunstein. #Republic: divided
democracy in the age of social media.</p>
      <p>Princeton : Princeton University Press,
1973.</p>
      <p>Walter G Stephan, Oscar Ybarra, and
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      <p>Henri Tajfel and J.T. Turner. An
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      <p>Sarita Yardi and Danah Boyd. Dynamic
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[BM19]
[HK16]
[HLT18]
[KFS05]
[NR10]
[ODD08]</p>
      <p>Marco T. Bastos and Dan Mercea. The
Brexit Botnet and user-generated
hyperpartisan news. Social Science Computer
Review, 37(1):38{54, 2019.</p>
      <p>Philip N. Howard and Bence Kollanyi.</p>
      <p>Bots, #Strongerin, and #Brexit:
Computational propaganda during the UK-EU
referendum. Working Paper, Project on
Computational Propaganda, 2016.</p>
      <p>Sara B. Hobolt, Thomas J. Leeper, and
James Tilley. Divided by the vote:
Affective polarization in the wake of Brexit.</p>
      <p>American Political Science Association,
pages 1{34, 2018.</p>
      <p>J. Kelly, D. Fisher, and M Smith. Debate,
division, and diversity: Political discourse
networks in USENET newsgroups. Online
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Stanford University, 2005.</p>
      <p>Brendan Nyhan and Jason Rei er. When
corrections fail: The persistence of
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32(2):303{330, 2010.</p>
      <p>Danny Osborne, P.G. Davies, and A.
Duran. The integrated threat theory and
politics: Explaining attitudes toward
political parties. In Bettina P. Reimann,
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Research, chapter 2, pages 61{74. Nova
Science Publishers Inc., 2008.</p>
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