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  <front>
    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Moral struggles in social media discussion: the case of sexist aggression.</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Marinella Paciello</string-name>
          <email>m.paciello@uninettunouniversity.net</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1">1</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Francesca D'Errico</string-name>
          <email>francesca.derrico@uniroma3.it</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Giorgia Saleri</string-name>
          <email>g.saleri@students.uninettunouniversity</email>
          <email>g.saleri@students.uninettunouniversity. net</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1">1</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>Fil.Co.Spe Department, Roma Tre University</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>Rome</addr-line>
          ,
          <country country="IT">Italy</country>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff1">
          <label>1</label>
          <institution>Psychology Faculty, Uninettuno University</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>Rome</addr-line>
          ,
          <country country="IT">Italy</country>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <pub-date>
        <year>2019</year>
      </pub-date>
      <abstract>
        <p>​ -The online interactions have become increasingly negative and aggressive, in particular when stereotyped topics are discussed. Based on extensive literature on aggression, the present study investigates the forms, the frequencies of the negative comments and the related both emotive and cognitive processes in response an offensive post toward Carola Rackete. A total of 1.249 comments on Twitter were analyzed by coding basic position toward the tweet, moral argumentation, underlying moral process, emotions and their intensity. Overall the results showed that online communication is largely denoted by negative tone and aggressive forms, even when a commenter would support the target of an aggressive communication. In particular, the gender aggression is carried out by the same women who became aggressive and much less prosocial than what one would expect l of aggression is relatively new, the phenomena of online aggression can be understood based on the traditional models developed in the extensive literature on aggression.</p>
      </abstract>
      <kwd-group>
        <kwd>discrimination</kwd>
        <kwd>sexist aggression</kwd>
        <kwd>prosocial</kwd>
        <kwd>emotion</kwd>
        <kwd>cognitive processes</kwd>
      </kwd-group>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>-</title>
      <p>INTRODUCTION</p>
      <p>
        Over the last years the online interactions have become
increasingly negative and aggressive (Pew Research Center,
2017). It is always more frequent to observe negative online
phenomena such as hate speech, flaming and trolls in
particular related to sensible ethical topics that can polarize
the public opinion. For instance, some of the most online
discussed topics concern immigration and stereotypes that
could lead to explicit forms of cyber-racism and
discriminations [1; 2]. Moreover, some groups are most
likely to became target of online aggression, as in the case
of girls and woman [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref3">3</xref>
        ].
      </p>
      <p>
        If this framework is typically applied to racists
discussions, recent studies have also shown that regardless
the ethical positions on discussions on ethical topics can be
characterized by a high degree of hostile emotions [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">4</xref>
        ].
Specifically, also people who support potential victims of
discriminatory and offensive can react with the same
aggressive modalities. Moreover, the spread of negative
online emotion is strictly related to cognitive processes that
maintain and exacerbate the circle of online incivility, such
as in the case of dehumanization and attribution of blame to
potential victims for their situation [4; 5]. Despite this form
      </p>
      <p>
        First based on social cognitive theory [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6">6</xref>
        ], the hypothesis
such as the presence of environmental cues that can increase
aggression through priming mechanisms ​[​7; 8] and more
specific literature on media and aggression [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">9</xref>
        ], the online
aggressive phenomena can be understood if we consider the
characteristics of online environment. The online
interactions occur in a context in which some technological
affordance hinder the possibility to empathize with a
potential victim (e.g. lack of emotional cues) and the sense
of personal responsibility with respect one’s own action
(e.g. anonymity), and at same time foster the toxic online
disinhibition [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">10</xref>
        ]. Moreover, the selective media attention
on aggressive situations that could backfire by providing an
advantageous comparison point to reduce the severity
perception of one’s own online aggressive behaviors [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">11</xref>
        ]. In
these situations, aggressive behavior can be trigger and
aggressive social modeling can exacerbate negative online
manifestations [11; 12]. Indeed, by observational learning
processes the exposure to violence leads to the acquisition
of cognitive beliefs (es. aggressive behavioral scripts) and
processes (e.g. cognitive desensitization” to violence) that
facilitate the adoption of aggressive behaviour. Secondly,
based on the F-A hypothesis [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">13</xref>
        ], the transfer of excitation
[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14">14</xref>
        ], and the dissipation of aggression over time [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">15</xref>
        ], the
exposure to violence can be considered a case of frustrating
condition that increase negative emotional arousal
encouraging reactive aggressive response. Hostile emotions
such as distress, frustration, anger, contempt, disgust and
hate potentially promote aggressive behaviours [15; 16]
because they feature medium/high arousal that, in the
presence of other aversive stimuli, can progressively
increase. In addition, hostile emotions, such as anger, could
increase the attention towards provoking events and hostile
interpretation of neutral situations [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref17">17</xref>
        ]. Third, aggression
can be resulted by dysfunctional coping strategies [18; 19].
The strategies used by defenders of potential victims range
from an empathic support victim to angry attack toward a
perpetrator [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref20">20</xref>
        ]. Thus, also in the case a prosocial position,
it is possible to find hostile emotions, in particular, the
so-called third-party anger [21; 22] or empathetic anger
[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref23">23</xref>
        ]. This type of anger is caused not by personal concern
but by the desire to avoid injustice and restore social equity.
      </p>
      <p>
        Moreover, the study of
stimulus-thought-emotion-reaction sequence for helping
versus aggressive response could be particularly interesting
in the case of stereotyped topic, as in the case of woman.
Several studies have attested that member of stereotypes and
prejudice can became more easily target of hate-motivated
aggression [3; 24]. In this case the aggression, usually acted
by multiple perpetrators, has be motivated not only by the
intent to hurt one victim but all member of victim’s social
category. Previous findings stressed the importance of
considering social category as well the gender of target and
agent of discriminatory and stereotyped forms of aggression
[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref25">25</xref>
        ]. Literature has suggested that the online verbal
aggression against girl and woman is related to primary
intention of intimidate and control them [3; 26], especially
in the case of traditional ‘male domains’ such as publicly
relevant contexts. Based on these premises, the present
research questions are:
      </p>
      <p>which are the emotional features of prosocial and
proself stance toward an exhibition of a clear attack
to woman image?
Are the prosocial stances toward a woman public
aggression featured by a third-party anger?</p>
      <p>Specifically, in the present study we investigate the
forms, the frequencies of the negative comments in response
a post, and one of its comment, that intends to
declare/exhibit an offensive message toward a specific
woman who actively defend the right of a minority group
(immigrants), and the women more in general. Based on
above theoretical approaches and empirical studies, we
expected to find aggressive comments also from
commenters in defense of the attacked woman. We expected
that both prosocial and proself stance will be featured by
high levels of negative emotional activation.</p>
      <p>II.</p>
      <p>METHOD</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>A. Online Communicative Scenario</title>
      <p>The online communicative scenario relevant to this
study is related to a message posted by Selvaggia Lucarelli,
a popular Italian journalist and TV commentator, on July
2nd, 2019. The tweet was intended to condemn cruel and
rude criticisms among women after the Sea-Watch case: at
the end of June, the civil rescue vessel Sea-Watch 3,
captained by Carola Rackete, entered the port of Lampedusa
without permission with 42 migrants on board.
(https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/29/sea-watch
-captain-carola-rackete-arrested-italian-blockade) These
facts have sparked heated debates in public opinion. The
tweet was composed of text and an image. The image was a
screenshot representing a dark humor meme shared by
another woman on Facebook to insult Carola Rackete by
making assumptions about her sexual habits. On the
contrary, the text expressed indignation towards use of
sexist hate speech online (with the aim of stigmatize this
sexist conduct):</p>
      <p>‘Donne che se la ridono condividendo ‘sta roba. Ho
esaurito le parole.’</p>
      <p>‘Women who laugh at sharing this stuff. I've run out of
words.’</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>B. Data and Procedure</title>
      <p>A total of 1.249 comments made in response to
Selvaggia Lucarelli’s post, distributed from the 2nd to the
3rd of July 2019, were extracted through Twitter API.
Authors can privately share extracted data, by guaranteeing
commenters’ anonymity, in the interest of repeatability of
analysis. All comments were manually filtered in order to
better understand users’ point of view and exclude tweets
that no longer exist. First of all, coders identified a level of
agreement or disagreement with Lucarelli’s statement. In
addition to this coding, the valence and intensity of
emotions were examined considering both semantic and
formal elements. Data coding carried out in this way led to
the identification of basic position toward the tweet (pro and
contro), moral argumentation/reasoning (aggressive, proself
and prosocial), underlying moral process based on Bandura
and Darley and Latanè models [27; 28] (see Table 1) and
four emotions (joy, calm, anger and sadness) and their
intensity (low vs high). Another control element in this
investigation was the presence or absence of gender
stereotypes in analyzed tweets.</p>
      <p>A Chi Square analysis ​[χ​2​(​1296​)​= 87,4; p&lt; .001​] pointed
out how commenters who openly support the main tweet are
featured by negative emotions, mainly anger (49,3%) and
sadness (35,1%), while commenters against the main tweet
express their positions in an angry (66,5%) or happy way
(19.9%).</p>
      <p>Rarely commenters in support of the journalist Lucarelli
expressed their opinion by using a prosocial argumentation
but they are mainly aggressive (63,5%); while people
against the act of public stigmatization express their
comment with a proself (56,3%) or aggressive act (33,5%)
but in a very less extent compared to the pro position
[χ​2​(​1296​)​= 162; p&lt; .001​]​.</p>
      <p>In particular when we consider the processes emerging
from the commenters words we unexpectedly found that
people who support Lucarelli act of public indignation for
the sexist tweet report a greater percentage of
dehumanization (26%)- more than the unsupportive
commenters (9,9%) - and guilt attribution (21,8%) toward
the woman who make fun of Carola. In this sense the
woman became another victim in the ‘pro’ commenters.
Another frequent process activated by the Lucarelli
supporters is the responsibility displacement (10,7%), when
commenters tend to attribute the responsibility of this
‘cultural level’ to politicians as in the case ‘Il fatto che il
ministro del food blogging non condanni mai questa
violenza verbale e scritta, di fatto, la sdogana’; on the other
side commenters in favour of Lucarelli assume to
themselves the shame of belonging to the female genre (Mi
vergogno di essere donna...’: ‘​I am ashamed of being a
woman​ ’) A minimal part of the coded processes are devoted
to principle recalling, women who ask if it is possible to
denounce. Differently the commenters against the Lucarelli
public act are mainly focused to the guilt attribution to the
journalist or to Carola (25,7%) or to labelling
euphemistically the indignation act as a political strategy
toward the vice minister Matteo Salvini or comparing to the
deviant act of the woman to the Carola ‘aggression‘ to
Italian law (Ma che cosa stai dicendo??? Ora speronare una
nave della guardia di finanza è un’azione giustificata;
Transl: ‘​But what are you saying ??? Now ramming a
finance guard ship is justified​ ’). The difference between pro
and agianst position are significant to the chi square analysis
[χ​2​(​697​)​= 164; p&lt; .001​]​. The difference between Pro and
Against the denouncing tweet of Lucarelli is very close to
the gender difference, in the sense that women tend to
dehumanize or attribute guilt or on the other hand assuming
their responsibilities’ or recall to a legal principle.</p>
      <p>
        When we consider the expressed emotions with respect
to the moral stances we can report several significant
differences ​[χ​2​(​1296​)​= 189; p&lt; .001​] in the sense that the
aggressive one as we could expect is featured by anger
(59,8%) similarly to the proself one (49,1%) and differently
from part of prosocial stance that is featured mainly by
sadness (63,2%) but also anger (29,2%). But a tendency that
characterized the aggressive and the proself is the presence
of good percentages of joy (18,8% and 12,3% respectively)
that signal how the aggression and not supportive toward
women (against the aggression) is expressed by derision,
irony and ridicule that can be considered an indirect act of
aggression [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref29">29</xref>
        ].
      </p>
      <p>
        The present study confirmed how online communication
can be largely denoted by negative tone and aggressive
forms in most of the case, even when a commenter would
support the target of aggressive communication. The
denounce of an aggressive behavior towards a victim only
partly stimulates users’ sorrow or other deactivated
emotional states that could lead to a supporting scenario for
the victim of the aggression (Carola Rackete). Instead both
supporters and unsupporters of the journalist’s denounce
commented being mainly angry. Anger, that, as in other
studies, was associated with a series of aggressive
cognitions that feed the vicious cycle of aggression. In
particular, we saw that users who support the sexist
denounce on their side attribute the blame and dehumanize,
and they are more aggressive and less prosocial than
expectations. Pro sexists denounce people even get more
enraged than against ones, in which, on the contrary,
positive emotions emerged accompanied by acts of ridicule
or derision, presumably deriving from the attempt to use
humor to diminish and defend one's own social image [29;
30; 31]. The proself unexpectedly dehumanize less and
mostly focus on behavior with ‘euphemistic labeling’ and
‘advantageous comparison’, dampening the force of the
public denounce through lower emotional activation. On the
social network the gender aggression is carried out by the
same women who became aggressive and much less
prosocial than what one would expect. The high occurrence
of dehumanization mechanisms could be explained by the
fact that the Lucarelli’s post focused not only on sexist
attack against Carola Rackete, but also on woman who
made that attack. Thus, it is possible that dehumanization is
also related to the fact that this specific woman represents a
member of a "political" outgroup [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref32">32</xref>
        ], that is the citizens
sustaining the political forces against the hosting toward
immigrants. The study confirmed that hate scenario can be
spread on the web highlighting the affective and cognitive
processes that can feed it. The reference to the real world is
filtered by mechanisms of non-responsibility that
increasingly leave people "protected" behind their screen
and in peace with their conscience despite the words written
(aggressive, sarcastic, violent). It is conceivable that the
modeling processes are working and the presence of
pervasive aggressive cues support these dynamics that
people might not necessarily be aware of. Future studies
should focus on the possible moderators of these dynamics
and the role of awareness in a process that seems above all
supported by unruly emotions and processes that denote a
loss of moral control.
      </p>
    </sec>
  </body>
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