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  <front>
    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Color Naming and Communication of Color Appearance: Is it Di erent for Native Georgian Speakers?</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Ana Amirkhanashvili</string-name>
          <email>ana4400@yahoo.com</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Davit Gigilashvili</string-name>
          <email>davit.gigilashvili@ntnu.no</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1">1</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>Literary Georgia;</institution>
          <addr-line>Tbilisi</addr-line>
          ,
          <country country="GE">Georgia</country>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff1">
          <label>1</label>
          <institution>The Norwegian Colour and Visual Computing Laboratory, Norwegian University of Science and Technology</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>Gj vik</addr-line>
          ,
          <country country="NO">Norway</country>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <abstract>
        <p>Color is one of the most prominent appearance attributes. The terms used by humans to communicate color appearance and to set categorical boundaries in the color space have long been a point of scholarly interest. Two con icting theories of universal and culture-relative color naming have been addressed by numerous studies. While the characteristics of color naming have been studied in considerable number of languages, the quantity of basic color terms and the variation of color categories across the languages is still a matter of an ongoing debate. Color naming in English is widely explored and compared with numerous languages, including the languages of non-industrialized societies. Being the unrelated languages, we hypothesize that the basic color terms and the categorical boundaries vary between the English and Georgian languages. To test this hypothesis, we conducted experiments with native Georgian speakers and compared the results with the state-of-the-art in context of English. The results have revealed interesting di erences as well as similarities that are worth exploring further.</p>
      </abstract>
      <kwd-group>
        <kwd>color naming color terms Georgian language</kwd>
      </kwd-group>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>-</title>
      <p>
        Color is one of the most signi cant attributes for description of appearance. In
addition to perception of color appearance, i.e. the interpretation of the
physical sensory stimuli, humans also need to describe and communicate it to other
humans. We need to simplify this process both due to pragmatic, as well as
physiological reasons. The proposed number of colors the human visual system can
discriminate in a scene varies from several thousand [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref25">25</xref>
        ] to several million [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref23">23</xref>
        ],
while we are able to memorize just around 300 of them [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">11</xref>
        ]. Therefore, humans
tend to categorize large number of the similar color stimuli together and give
them labels - leading to the process of color naming. The topic has been point
of scholarly interest in linguistics, anthropology, vision and color science alike.
      </p>
      <p>
        There is an ongoing scholarly debate on the regularities and variations in
color naming across languages. In 1956, Whorf [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref32">32</xref>
        ] (cited by [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">12</xref>
        ]) introduced
the idea that language shapes human perception. After Berlin and Kay [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">4</xref>
        ]
theorized the cross-language universality of color naming, numerous works addressed
the question whether color naming patterns are pan-human (proposedly due to
physiology [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">13</xref>
        ]) or culture-speci c. However, it has been suggested (e.g. [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">15</xref>
        ]) that
"color categories are neither completely universal, nor completely relative" [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref34">34</xref>
        ]
and the strictly dichotomous approach is considered obsolete by the recent
reviews [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref34 ref35">34, 35</xref>
        ]. While color naming peculiarities vary across languages, re ecting
socio-cultural and socio-historical character [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref28">28</xref>
        ], the debates might arise within
a particular language too (refer to a recent discussion whether a tennis ball is
green or yellow [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref17">17</xref>
        ]).
      </p>
      <p>
        In order to explore the process of color categorization, we need to identify
what these categories are. A broad range of vocabulary can be used to describe
colors, depending on the context and the speaker [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref34">34</xref>
        ], leading to redundant and
sometimes poorly intelligible color categories. Thus, not all categories or terms
are equally important. Berlin and Kay [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">4</xref>
        ] have proposed that all languages
follow the same evolutionary path and hierarchy in the development of color terms,
naming 11 basic color categories: white, black, red, green, yellow, blue, brown,
orange, pink, purple, and gray. Since then, the theory has been supported [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref7 ref8">7,
8</xref>
        ] as well as challenged [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref26 ref6">6, 26</xref>
        ] by numerous studies. The following have been
the criteria for basicness: the term should be monolexemic (in other words, not
to be composite of several independent words, or as explained by Crawford [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6">6</xref>
        ]
"the term should not be transparent to the native speaker"); its usage by native
speakers is frequent and consistent; it should not be subset of a larger category
(e.g. ruby can be a subset of red); it should be context independent - applicable
to broad range of objects and materials. Additionally, the term should not
include a reference to an object. The number of basic terms in di erent languages,
as well as the legitimate criteria for basicness remain debatable. The original
de nition of basicness has been challenged and revised multiple times (see [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref34">34</xref>
        ]
for review). It has been questioned whether the terms need to be monolexemic
and independent of object references [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref18 ref5">5, 18</xref>
        ]. Witzel [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref34">34</xref>
        ] argues that instead of
being dichotomous, "basicness should be conceived as a continuous and gradual
charcteristic" and considers frequency and consistency of the usage, as well as
consensus among speakers, promising parameters of the degree of basicness.
      </p>
      <p>
        In the light of the ongoing debate, the Georgian language is an interesting
example for two primary reasons: rst, Georgian belongs to the Kartvelian
language family being unrelated to English and all other Indo-European languages
and its lexicon includes color categories di erent from English; secondly, in
context of the basicness debate, Georgian provides an instance of an industrialized
society broadly using terms that are neither monolexemic, nor free from
object references - the characteristic usually observed in the languages of remote,
non-industrialized societies. Color term formation in the Georgian language is a
speci c case and is characterized with the ease of producing or inventing a new
color term as a composite word - any material or object name in a genitive case
supplemented with a -peri (color) su x is a color name intelligible for most
native speakers who are familiar with the named object or material. This ease and
exibility of color term creation leads to unusual color terms in everyday life, art
and literature alike (the Georgian historical novel The Right Hand of the Grand
Master is famous for using more than 70 color terms throughout the narrative).
Five Georgian equivalents out of Berlin and Kay's eleven basic color terms do
not conform to above-mentioned basicness criterion (brown - kavisperi, literally
translated as "color of co ee"; gray - natsrisperi, color of ash; orange - either
stapilosperi, narinjisperi, or portokhlisperi, color of carrot, color of bitter orange,
or color of orange; pink - vardisperi, color of rose; and purple - iasamnisperi,
color of lilac). Moreover, even for the basic terms, like orange or gray, there are
numerous synonyms used interchangeably among the speakers. In addition to
these, a Georgian word tsisperi - color of sky, is broadly used and usually
distinguished from blue, similarly to Russian "goluboj" potential basicness of which
has been broadly addressed [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref27 ref29 ref3 ref33">3, 27, 29, 33</xref>
        ] and that does not exist in English.
      </p>
      <p>
        On that account, we hypothesize that speci cities of the Georgian language
might lead to the primaries di erent from those of [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">4</xref>
        ]. For studying this
hypothesis, we conducted an experimental study implementing the methodology
proposed by Davies and Corbett [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
        ]. The results of the study will not only
provide a deeper insight into color naming in a particular language, but in broader
sense might also reveal interesting indications regarding the universality of color
communication across di erent cultures and languages. The contribution of the
study is trifold:
{ We identify the most prevalent color categories in the Georgian language.
{ We discuss the basicness of these terms and how they relate to the proposed
basicness criteria, also comparing with the 11 basic terms in English.
{ We also try to identify the boundaries among particular categories.
      </p>
      <p>To the best of our knowledge, this is the rst study of this kind in context of
the Georgian language. We want to highlight that the primary objective of this
study is to identify trends, and we do not claim accurate quantitative modelling
of color categories due to limited control of the experimental conditions. The
paper is organized as follows: in the next section, we overview related work.
In Section 3, we present research methodology and explain the experimental
setup. The results are analyzed and discussed in Section 4. In Section 5, we
draw conclusions and propose directions for the future work.
2</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>Related Work</title>
      <p>
        Potential universality of color naming patterns is yet to be understood, and
various cross-cultural similarities [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14 ref21">14, 21</xref>
        ] and di erences [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref18 ref27">18, 27</xref>
        ] in color naming
have been described. The World Color Survey initiative [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">2</xref>
        ] investigated 110
unwritten languages from around the world in order to test the universality
hypothesis of color naming. Based on this data, Lindsey and Brown [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref21">21</xref>
        ] argue
that all color naming procedures fall into three to six "motifs", i.e. color naming
systems being derived from 11 basic terms re ecting historical in uences. It has
been proposed that the lack of blue term in some languages has a physiological
background and is the result of increased exposure to ultraviolet radiation in
some geographical regions [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref20">20</xref>
        ]. Inversely, Winawer et al. [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref33">33</xref>
        ] have demonstrated
that language di erence might lead to di erent color discrimination capabilities.
Gigilashvili et al. [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10 ref9">9, 10</xref>
        ] have observed that the semantic description of material
appearance, including color, gloss and translucency terms, largely varies among
subjects and is impacted by individual background, memory and experience.
      </p>
      <p>
        Few works have addressed color communication in the Georgian language.
Manasyan [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref24">24</xref>
        ] studied emotional associations with color terms. Khomeriki et
al. [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16">16</xref>
        ] conducted two experiments to identify categorical boundaries between
red and pink, and between blue and tsisperi light blue colors. They concluded
that the boundaries vary both due to experimental protocol and inter-subject
di erences. They also propose that adding white to blue and red (i.e. making
them lighter) leads to tsisperi and vardisperi color categories that are not a ected
by the semantic meaning of the basis words vardi - rose and tsa - sky.
3
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>Methodology</title>
      <p>
        In order to experimentally identify basic color terms in the Georgian language, we
used a research methodology proposed by Davies and Corbett [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
        ]. The
methodology is derived from the study by Berlin and Kay [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">4</xref>
        ] and consists of two parts:
1. the list task - also known as term elicitation task to collect all potential
candidate terms and to identify the most salient ones. 2. the color naming task
to map verbal terms with the actual physical stimuli in the color space and
to identify potential boundaries between the color categories. The rationale for
selecting this methodology is that it is optimized for practical eld study and
does not require controlled laboratory conditions. The authors have tested the
proposed method in context of the English language and reported the results
consistent with Berlin and Kay [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">4</xref>
        ].
3.1
      </p>
      <sec id="sec-3-1">
        <title>List task</title>
        <p>
          Procedure The study was conducted online. The participants were asked to
name all color terms they could recall and to list them in the same order as
the terms came to their mind. For consistency with [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
          ], the time limit of ve
minutes was set. The instructions were given in Georgian, translated as follows:
"Write down all color terms which you can recall maximum within 5 minutes.
Write them in the same order as they come to your mind - the rst color you
recalled should be written rst, and so forth. It is important to rely solely on your
memory and do not use any literature or electronic systems of search".
Subjects 27 native Georgian speakers participated in the study, including two
authors of this paper. 18 of them were female and 9 were male. The age of the
participants was within the range of 19-63 years, with 37.8 as a mean and 31
as a median age. Participation was voluntary and the subjects were not
compensated. Subjects' color vision was not tested and the results might be a ected
by unidenti ed color de cient participants. However, having randomly selected
sample of populace, we assume that the number of color de cient participants
was not large enough to have considerable impact on the overall trends.
Analysis Davies and Corbett [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
          ] propose two primary metrics for identi cation
of basic terms: frequency - i.e. the number of subjects mentioning a particular
term (presented as an absolute number in this study; it is possible also to be
presented as % of all participants), and mean position - i.e. the mean of the
ranks given to a particular term by the subjects. According to Ratsep [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref29">29</xref>
          ], the
two metrics are correlated - frequently used terms are named earlier, while less
frequent terms are ranked in the end of the list. For this reason, we plot and
analyze mean position as a function of frequency.
        </p>
        <p>
          On the other hand, the mean position can be strongly a ected by the total
number of the terms. In order to eliminate this bias and to unify frequency and
mean position into a single metric, Sutrop [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref30">30</xref>
          ] introduced a Cognitive Salience
Index (referred below as congitive salience), which is found as:
        </p>
        <p>S =</p>
        <p>F
N
mP
(1)
where S is cognitive salience of a given term, F is frequency, N is total number
of subjects, and mP is mean position.</p>
        <p>
          Sutrop's index has also been shown to be prone to bias, such as being
unreliable for very low frequencies [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref29">29</xref>
          ], as well as overestimating salience of the top one
or two terms [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref29 ref31">29, 31</xref>
          ]. Since we are interested in comparing 11 most salient terms
with the basic colors of Berlin and Kay [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">4</xref>
          ], we do not consider these limitations
signi cant and report Sutrop's Cognitive Salience Index in our analyses.
        </p>
        <p>The terms that are sometimes considered synonymous (e.g. stapilosperi (color
of carrot) and narinjisperi (color of bitter orange)) are included as separate
terms, because we lack the information whether the individual subjects use them
interchangeably or to describe di erent stimuli. However, the terms that clearly
refer to the same object, but are expressed either with a native Georgian word
or a barbarism (foreign language counterpart) are considered the same term
(e.g. zholosperi (color of raspberry) and malinisperi (color of malina); zholo is a
Georgian term for raspberry, and malina is a Russian term for raspberry.).
3.2</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-3-2">
        <title>Naming task and term boundaries</title>
        <p>
          Procedure The task was conducted online after completion of the list task.
The participants were shown 75 color stimuli as square patches and were asked
to name the color of the patch. No options were given and the subjects had full
freedom in selection of the proper term. They could scroll back and forth the
stimuli throughout the experiment. Similarly to [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
          ], the subjects were allowed
to write "I do not know", if uncertain. The instructions were given in Georgian
and can be translated as follows: "75 squares of various colors are presented to
you. Write below each square what color it is, in your opinion. Write that color
term, whichever comes rst to your mind. If it is hard to answer, you can write
"I do not know.".
        </p>
        <p>
          Stimuli We have used 75 color stimuli in total. 65 of the stimuli were exactly the
same 65 stimuli selected by Davies and Corbett [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
          ] from the Color-Aid
Corporation [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">1</xref>
          ]. The exact CIE color coordinates of the stimuli can be found in Table 1 of
[
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
          ] (D65 reference white was assumed). In addition to that, we studied 4 stimuli
proposed by Khomeriki et al. [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16">16</xref>
          ] as potential boundaries between lurji-tsisperi
(blue-sky blue) and tsiteli-vardisperi (red-pink), respectively. Finally, in order
to check the hypothesis by Khomeriki et al. [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16">16</xref>
          ] that tsisperi and vardisperi are
blue and red with high lightness, respectively, we considered 3 additional blue
and 3 additional red stimuli with the identical chromaticity to B and R stimuli in
[
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
          ], but with higher CIELAB L* value. The positions of the stimuli in the CIE
xy chromaticity diagram is illustrated in Figure 1. The stimulus patches were
displayed on a white background. This method comes with multiple limitations:
1. Variation among display parameters and observation conditions might have
produced di erent color appearance for di erent subjects. In the future, we
aim to conduct the study on a fully calibrated display in controlled
laboratory conditions.
2. Colour-Aid stimuli come in a form of physical tiles rather than digital image.
        </p>
        <p>
          Cross-media color reproduction might render di erent color appearance for
given color coordinates.
3. Unconstrained naming leads to large cross-subject di erences [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref34">34</xref>
          ], as the
response depends on subjects' motivation, interpretation of the task, and the
levels ("resolution") of categorization (i.e. using either very general
vocabulary or a very detailed sub-basic di erentiation).
        </p>
        <p>
          On the other hand, constrained naming task, when the subjects should select
an answer from a pre-de ned pool of terms, leads to more consistent results.
There are reasons for selecting unconstrained naming scenario in this work: rst,
we are not able to identify the "optimal" pool of the pre-de ned terms - there is
no state-of-the-art, as this is the rst study of this kind in context of the Georgian
language. Relying simply on the terms identi ed in the list task might have been
an option, yet unrealiable, posing a risk of omission of essential vocabulary;
secondly, being unaddressed in prior studies, the range of used vocabulary and
the extent of individual di erences were interesting themselves (e.g. idiolects
are common in language communities [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref22">22</xref>
          ]). This protocol is known to reveal a
broad range of the vocabulary existent in a given language [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref19">19</xref>
          ]. Although the
full freedom given to the observers makes it more di cult to identify basic color
terms, we assume that with the su ciently large number of subjects, the e ect of
individual oddities will be attenuated. We are aware that the above-mentioned
limitations might bias the frequency and consistency of color term usage and
undermine comparison with other studies. However, this study is primarily of
an exploratory nature and the precise quantitative modelling between physical
stimuli and perceptual or verbal categorical boundaries should be addressed in
the subsequent works.
        </p>
        <p>Subjects 22 native Georgian speakers, including the authors of this paper,
completed the task - 16 females and 6 males among them. The age ranged from
20 to 63 years, with 38 as a mean age and 37 as a median. 18 of the subjects
had also participated in the list task, while 4 of them did not.</p>
        <p>
          Analysis The results of this task are bi-fold: we try to identify basic color terms,
and to observe how these color categories are scattered across the color space. For
the latter task, we plot the stimuli in the CIELAB color space labelled with the
most frequent color terms used to describe them. For the former task, we refer
to the concept of dominance - i.e. a particular term being the most frequently
used word to describe a given color stimulus. Similarly to Davies and Corbett [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
          ],
for all terms we analyze how many color stimuli it has been a dominant term
for, for how many of these cases was there a consensus among more than 50%
and 75% of the subjects, and how many times this term was used in general. In
addition to that we also use the speci city index - "a ratio of the total frequency
of use for each term and the total frequency for those stimuli where a term was
dominant", as formulated by Ratsep [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref29">29</xref>
          ].
4
        </p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>Results and Discussion</title>
      <sec id="sec-4-1">
        <title>4.1 List task</title>
        <p>66 color terms have been named in total. Minimum 5 and maximum 29 terms
were mentioned by an individual subject. 16.5 colors were named on average.
15
p
m
10
5
0
bordosperi</p>
        <p>iisperi
stapilosperi
okrosperi
natsrisperi
narinjisperi
vardisperi</p>
        <p>kavisperi
iasamnisperi
tsisperi shavi
lurji</p>
        <p>tetri
kviteli
20
tsiteli
25
mtsvane
30
0
5
10</p>
        <p>15</p>
        <p>Frequency</p>
        <p>The results are illustrated in Figure 2. Considering that higher frequency and
lower mean position speak of salience and basicness of the term, the terms closer
to bottom right corner of the plot are more likely to be basic.</p>
        <p>11 most salient as well as most frequently used terms are mtsvane (green),
tsiteli (red), kviteli (yellow), shavi (black), kavisperi (literal translation - color of
co ee; closest English equivalent - brown), tetri (white), iasamnisperi (color of
lilac; lilac or purple), lurji (blue), tsisperi (color of sky; light blue or sky blue),
vardisperi (color of rose; pink). Also more than 10 people listed narinjisperi
(color of bitter orange; orange), natsrisperi (color of ash; gray), okrosperi (color
of gold; gold), bordosperi (color of Bordeaux; burgundy), stapilosperi (color of
carrot; orange), and iisperi (color of violet; violet). The results for Sutrop's
cognitive salience are illustrated in Figure 3. In addition to colors mentioned
above, lalisperi (color of ruby; ruby), shindisperi (color of Cornelian cherry;
dark red), rukhi (gray or dark gray), zurmukhtisperi (color of emerald; emerald),
vertskhlisperi (color of silver; silver), salatisperi (color of salad; light green),
kremisperi (color of cream; cream) and shabiamnisperi (color of blue vitriol;
bright blue) are among the 25 most salient ones by cognitive salience index.</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-4-2">
        <title>Interestingly, all of the six most salient terms are monolexemic.</title>
        <p>There have also been various terms that are relatively unusual but still
intelligible for most native Georgian speakers. For example, four subjects listed
agurisperi (color of brick), three of them mentioned zhangisperi (color of rust)
and tsablisperi (color of chestnut), two people named aspaltisperi (color of
asphalt) and tsklisperi (color of water), while badrijnisperi (color of eggplant),
mtredisperi (color of dove), khokhbiskelisperi (color of pheasant's neck -
seem0.25
0.2
0.15
0.1
0.05</p>
        <p>
          0
ingly, recalled from above-mentioned novel The Right Hand of the Grand
Master ), ghvinisperi (color of wine), lobiosperi (color of peas), marjnisperi (color of
coral) by one person each. Also one subject listed upero (colorless, achromatic).
While the most salient terms identi ed in this study are largely consistent with
Berlin and Kay's [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">4</xref>
          ] 11 basic colors, there are some di erences too: iasamnisperi
(color of lilac) is among the most salient color terms; in Georgian it is oftentimes
used interchangeably with lilac, purple and violet. In this case, it can be
considered the equivalent to English purple. Tsisperi (color of sky) is also among the
most frequently used ones. While this term is absent in English, it can
potentially be a basic term in Georgian, similarly to Russian "goluboj" [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref27 ref29 ref3 ref33">3, 27, 29, 33</xref>
          ].
There are two widely used terms to describe orange color in Georgian:
narinjisperi (color of bitter orange) and stapilosperi (color of carrot). They are used
either interchangeably, or according to individual interpretation. The same is the
case for gray: terms natsrisperi (color of ash) and rukhi are used as synonyms,
rukhi having a connotation of slightly darker shade of gray in some speci c
contexts. Intriguingly, rukhi is not among the most salient terms, even though it
is monolexemic. Even if we count all mentions of narinjisperi and stapilosperi
as the same term, and we assume the same for natsrisperi and rukhi, they will
be tied with tsisperi and vardisperi by frequency. In terms of cognitive salience
index, tsisperi still remains ranked among the top seven most salient terms.
4.2
        </p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-4-3">
        <title>Naming task and term boundaries</title>
        <p>
          The results for the naming task are summarized in Table 1. It is worth
mentioning that the frequency depends on the number of stimuli examined, as well as
the sampling of the stimuli across the color space. In order to make our results
comparable with [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
          ], at rst only 65 color stimuli used by them are analyzed.
        </p>
        <p>DI DI &gt;50% DI &gt;75% D. Freq. Freq. Spec.
vardisperi (color of rose) [pink]
lurji (blue)
mtsvane (green)
I don't know
kavisperi
[brown]
natsrisperi (color of ash) [gray]
(color
of</p>
        <p>co ee)
stapilosperi (color of carrot)
[orange]
tsisperi (color of sky) [light
blue]
tsiteli (red)
tchaobisperi (color of swamp)
[swamp green]
agurisperi (color of brick) [brick
red]
kviteli (yellow)
khakisperi (color
[khaki]
of</p>
        <p>
          khaki)
shindisperi (color of Cornelian
cherry) [dark red]
iisperi (color of violet)
[violet]
salatisperi (color of salad) [light
green]
zholosperi (color of raspberry)
[raspberry]
shavi (black)
9 4
8 6
7 5
7 6
6 2
6 0
5 2
4 1
4 3
3 2
2 0
2 0
1 1
1 0
1 0
1 0
1 0
1 0
Out of 1430 (65 22) responses, 154 i.e. more than 10% of all responses were "I
do not know", speaking of an inherent di culty of the task. It was also the most
frequently used term throughout the entire task. Davies and Corbett [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
          ] reported
that dominant terms (i.e. the most frequently used terms for a given stimulus)
were the 11 basic terms. Unlike their results, this is not the case for our data.
While white was not considered dominant for any single stimulus, iasamnisperi
(literally - color of lilac) has the highest dominance index, being dominant for
9 stimuli, followed by pink, blue, green, and gray. This can be explained by the
fact that iasamnisperi is interchangeably used for lilac, purple, violet and all
their shades, while red that was dominant for 3 stimuli only has lower overall
frequency, because broader range of words can be used in Georgian to describe
reddish hues, such as vardisperi (pink), agurisperi (brick red), shindisperi
(Cornelian cherry, dark red), zholosperi (raspberry) all being dominant for at least
one stimulus. Tsisperi was also widely used, while kavisperi (color of co ee;
brown) has highest speci city - i.e. when this term is used, most of the time it
is dominant, and it is rarely used for the stimuli it is not dominant for. This can
be explained by the fact that for all lighter shades of it, several other terms exist
broadly used by native Georgian speakers (e.g. agurisperi, narinjisperi ).
        </p>
        <p>
          The stimuli labelled with the dominant term are plotted in the CIELAB
color space, shown in Figures 4-5. It is worth highlighting that although
vardisperi (pink) and tsisperi (sky blue) are lighter (refer to Fig. 5), they are well
separated from tsiteli (red) and lurji (blue), respectively, even in the
chromaticity plane only (Fig. 4). This questions the proposal by Khomeriki et al. [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16">16</xref>
          ] that
vardisperi and tsisperi are simply lighter shades of red and blue. The location
of the vardisperi stimuli in the color space makes us hypothesize that vardisperi
is used to describe shades of magenta, not red, as previously thought. On the
other hand, lurji (blue) and iasamnisperi (color of lilac) are not clearly
separated further supporting our hypothesis about the broad understanding of the
latter term and the interchangeable usage of it for various hues and shades that
makes it the dominant term for the highest number of stimuli. Finally, it is also
interesting that the stimuli with dominant "I do not know" are either between
blue and green, or near the center. The former can be explained with the lack
of words in Georgian to describe cyan and blue-green hues (blue, green, emerald
and turquoise are often interchangeably used), while the former can be the result
of confusion between gray and particular hue for dark weakly chromatic stimuli
(all four are in the lower end of the L* axis, refer to Figure 5).
        </p>
        <p>
          We studied 10 additional stimuli to address the proposals in [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16">16</xref>
          ].
Interestingly, both tsiteli-vardisperi boundaries reported by them were considered pink
in our study, while for lurji-tsisperi the boundary from one of their experiment
was considered tsisperi, while the other was still blue. Besides, we increased
lightness of the red (R) and blue (B) stimuli from the Color-Aid dataset (refer to
[
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
          ]). The original stimuli were considered shindisperi (color of Cornelian cherry)
and lurji (blue). After increasing their CIELAB L* parameter gradually (from
40.75 to 50.75, 70.75, 90.75, and from 36.94 to 46.94, 66.94, 86.94, respectively),
all lighter shades of red were considered pink (vardisperi ), while blue was still
20
a*
-40
-20
0
40
60
80
100
-20
-40
-6020
Fig. 5. 65 stimuli in CIELAB L*-a* and L*-b* planes. The legend of Fig. 4 applies.
considered blue for L*=46.94, while becoming sky blue (tsisperi ) for L* 66.94.
This indication is consistent with the statement by Khomeriki et al. [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16">16</xref>
          ] that "in
order to determine the boundaries of blue - tsisperi it is necessary to add more
white, i.e. it is necessary to make blue lighter in comparison with red { pink".
        </p>
        <p>
          While all above-mentioned hypotheses need to be studied quantitatively in
controlled laboratory conditions, several interesting trends can still be identi ed.
The listing task has revealed that the all of the six most salient terms by Sutrop's
Cognitive Salience Index - tsiteli (red), mtsvane (green), kviteli (yellow), tetri
(white), shavi (black) and lurji (blue) - are all monolexemic. This can be an
indication that Georgian has six basic color categories. They are also
consistent with Berlin and Kay's evolutionary hierarchy of the basic color terms [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">4</xref>
          ].
Interestingly, monolexemic terms have not been dominant terms in the naming
task that can be attributed to unconstrained naming conditions, particularly,
usage of a very detailed, sub-basic categorization by subjects, potentially
motivated by their individual assumptions that originality was encouraged. Using
constrained naming task in the future will reveal how much of the bias can be
attributed to this limitation of the method. Nevertheless, multiple bi-lexemic
terms (e.g. tsisperi ) have satis ed other basicness criteria, such as context
independence, frequency and consistency of usage by the speakers and consensus
among them. The above-mentioned notion that basicness is a gradual, not a
dichotomous property, opens up new directions for future work, in order to identify
whether only the six monolexemic terms should be considered basic in Georgian.
        </p>
        <p>
          There have been further peculiarities observed. The relative ease of the
Georgian language to produce color terms and the high number of synonyms also led
to the lower inter-observer consistency. The Georgian equivalents to 11 basic
color terms were used less frequently than they are reported to be used in
English [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
          ] and native Georgian speakers seem to be trying to either use a
synonymous term, or invent a word themselves. Whether this is their natural behavior,
or it was the experimental task that motivated them to use the unusually broad
range of vocabulary is a topic for future study. However, objective factors, like
existence of concurrent terms, lead to higher degree of individual interpretation.
For instance, words stapilosperi (color of carrot), narinjisperi (color of bitter
orange), and portokhlisperi (color of orange) are used interchangeably by some,
while others use them either for di erent shades of orange, or in di erent
contexts (e.g. one of the authors of this paper, a native Georgian speaker, uses two
di erent terms for orange - narinjisperi in formal, and stapilosperi in informal
situations). Thus, they ful ll context independence criterion of basicness for some
subjects, while fail for others - making context independence itself a questionable
criterion for basicness. This inter-subject variation led to lower overall dominance
of the orange terms. In the future, interviewing the subjects and putting the
colors in particular contexts might be needed. These qualitative and quantitative
ndings provide an interesting perspective on the peculiarities of the Georgian
language. With the future validation in controlled conditions it can also
contribute to the understanding the general anthropological development of color
communication across the languages and communities.
        </p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-5">
      <title>Conclusion</title>
      <p>We have conducted an experimental study to investigate color term usage among
Georgian speakers. The study has revealed interesting trends: the six
monolexemic terms, the equivalents of red, green, yellow, white, black and blue have been
the most salient, indicating that Georgian might have six basic color terms.
However, unconstrained nature of the experiment and re-de nition of basicness from
a dichotomous to a more gradual concept, leave much room for future research
about the basicness of the other terms. While the listing task provided results
more consistent with English, the naming task revealed interesting di erences
due to exibility of color term formation and high number of loosely de ned
synonyms. The future study should be conducted in controlled conditions for
quantitative modeling of the categorical boundaries. Besides, colors are rarely
observed in abstract context like this. Studying them as object properties could
reveal whether e.g. usage of stapilosperi increases when images of carrot are
shown, or whether gloss is correlated with the usage of okrosperi (gold) color.</p>
    </sec>
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