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<article xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink">
  <front>
    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Political Communication of Youth in the Internet Space: Effects on Influence on Political Consciousness and Behavior</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>St. Petersburg State University</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>Saint-Petersburg, Russia 191124, St. Petersburg, Smolny St., 1/3</addr-line>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <pub-date>
        <year>2020</year>
      </pub-date>
      <fpage>0000</fpage>
      <lpage>0002</lpage>
      <abstract>
        <p>The main research issue of the report is to assess the nature, direction and intensity of the influence of network political Internet communication and the priority receipt of political information from online sources on the system of ideological values of youth and the characteristics of their political behavior. The report analyzes the data of two mass youth surveys conducted by the authors in 2018 and 2019. The sample size in both studies was 1,000 respondents; quota sample with control of parameters of gender, age, education, region, type of settlement; the method of collecting information was personal standardized interview. Additionally, the research deals with the features of political communication of youth in the Internet. The research was financially supported by the grant of the Russian Foundation for Basic Research No. 18-011-01184 “The Potential of Youth Political Leadership in the Course of Political Socialization and Circulation of the Elites in the Russian Regions in the 2010s (on the example of South-West Siberia and the North-West of the Russian Federation)”, 2018-2020. work was conducted with support of RFBR grant №16-36-60035 “The research of social efficiency of e-participation portals in Russia”.</p>
      </abstract>
      <kwd-group>
        <kwd>Online Political Communication</kwd>
        <kwd>Features of political discourse in online communities</kwd>
        <kwd>Russian youth</kwd>
        <kwd>Political behavior of youth online and offline</kwd>
        <kwd>The ideological values of youth</kwd>
      </kwd-group>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>Introduction</title>
      <p>The thesis about the influence of mass media on the political behavior of citizens
since the 1950s is obvious and not in need of confirmation [18; 16]. However, there
are issues to clarify in connection with the emergence of new communication
channels and a change in the audience of various media both online and offline, as well as
political socialization of new generations. Which channels of receiving political
information for youth are currently in the highest priority? Which of them have lost
their significance? Is there a link between the priority media and mass
communication, and specific forms of political behavior? What channels of political information</p>
      <p>Copyright ©2020 for this paper by its authors.</p>
      <p>Use permitted under Creative Commons License Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0).
should political consultants and political technologists pay special attention to in order
to try, more or less effectively, to correct the political activity of youth?</p>
      <p>The base of the empirical component of the research is a solid and fundamental
theoretical platform related to determining the role and place of the youth part of
society in the social and political process.Thus, the studies analyzing the political
culture of young people [1; 8; 34]; problems of state regulation of youth politics [10; 35];
existence and orientation of social ties among young people [14; 29]; interaction of
different youth cultures and subcultures [22]; youth electoral intents [20]; features of
its political behavior [31]; youth leadership [3; 13; 27] as well as the latest works on
the features of political mobilization through the Internet [19; 26; 32; 30] allow to
conclude on the effectiveness of using the proposed tools with the construction of
appropriate conjugation tables for conclusions on the peculiarities of assessing the
future of young people. Especially since these conclusions, in our opinion, are
possible to extrapolate to Russia as a whole, as the study took place in different both in
urban and rural areas of the Russian Federation.</p>
      <p>The change and formation of the most diverse forms of political behavior and
political activity of citizens due to the constant development of the institution of the
state as such, and, ultimately, the constant formation of subjectivity and independence
of society; more rationalization of the political process and the growing importance of
legitimizing the political system through political participation are points to
remember. The traditional forms of political behavior include electoral activity; participation
in political campaigns; conventional interaction with state authorities and local
selfgovernment; various political organizations, and personal contacts with various
actors; participation in legal actions, etc. Herein, the traditional set of various forms of
political behavior closely relates to the sociocultural context and characteristics of the
political regime in a particular society, a specific space and time.</p>
      <p>The transition from traditional forms of activity to new forms of “direct”
participation [7], related, among other things, to self-identification and political consciousness
must be considered exactly in this context. This determines the choice of
representatives of young people playing a significant role in changing socio-political processes,
both as a subject and as an object of management as the object of research.</p>
      <p>From a practical point of view, the study of sustainability, as well as the dynamics
of the models of political behavior of Russian youth, including the Internet space,
should provide additional opportunities for more efficient prediction of the degree of
political activity and analysis of the laws of political behavior of youth.</p>
      <p>The theory of political activity (political communication is undoubtedly a part of
such activity) of citizens belongs to the category of traditional issues in the social
sciences all over the world.
1</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>Literature review</title>
      <p>Political scientists, political psychologists, and political sociologists last few decades
have actively studied the characteristics of political behavior, fixing the diversity of
forms of political actions, their intensity and frequency.</p>
      <p>Among the latest research on the topic: the coverage of global leadership in a
communication context [21; 24]; a fundamental comparison of models of youth
political leadership emerging in various types of societies [1; 6; 17]; and states with
different political regimes [12], as well as in the face of serious world crises, one of which
is happening right before our eyes [11; 23]. Also there is a discussion around the need
to modify typologies of political behavior in the context of the new reality of online
communication and the intensification of political processes [9; 5; 13; 15]; the growth
of society’s demand for effective management system with considering the specifics
of subjects and management objects [33], and power institutions on political
innovation.</p>
      <p>Scientists discuss an objective request to study motivation of youth to participate in
public and political projects in leadership positions, as well as the principles of
organizing work within youth movements and organizations [3; 28]. The issue of
cooptation technologies for youth from among civil activists and people with high rates
of political participation remains relevant [2; 4].</p>
      <p>Summarizing a brief review of research on the topic, the youth consciousness, in
the framework of manifesting its political behavior in various forms, is quite
structured and classified. This allows to proceed to the empirical part of the study, relying
on a combination of systems and integrated approaches, hence realizing the main
objective of the study, consisting not only in clarifying the questions of the beginning
of the article, but in classifying the main mechanisms of youth political
communication. Such a classification can be used in both academic and practical activities,
adjusting accordingly regional and federal youth policy.</p>
      <p>At the same time, in order to obtain the clearest picture of the importance of
Internet sources for the formation of political behavior of young people, first, we will
focus on information about the nature of the use of the Internet. Materials of the
research project “Prospects of educational model of free arts and sciences in the light of
economic and sociocultural trends of the XXI century in the Russian context” (2018,
All-Russian study of youth, sample size of 1530 students of all stages of education;
Research carried out by scientists of SPbSU, project manager D. I. Raskin) give
detailed information about the nature of behavior of student youth of Russia in the
Internet space.</p>
      <p>The priority in using the Internet by students is finding information and
communicating online. Daily 93% of students use Internet resources to find information, read
news, 3.2% do it 4-5 days a week. Communication in social networks takes place
daily in 88.6%, 4-5 days a week - in 4.6% of students. The messengers daily use
79.9% of students, 4-5 days a week - 5.5%. Noteworthy is the search for information
from young people directly using electronic versions of books and articles not
connected. Daily 42.7% of students access Internet resources for reading books, 25.4%
do so every 4-5 days a week, 14.3% - 2-3 days a week. Every day 40.6% of students
use Internet resources to watch films, 17.6% - 4-5 days a week, 15.9% - 2-3 days a
week.</p>
      <p>Students deliberately walk away from answering a question about attitudes to
Internet games. About 46% avoided the answer, saying that they could not assess the
periodicity of their own game online; just under 5% simply refused to answer this
question. About 26% said they do no more than once a month and only about 13%
admitted playing Internet games daily or 4-5 days a week. We have no reason to
believe that for employed, self-employed or unemployed youth, the time resource
coincides with the indicators of student youth in terms of reading books (it is slightly
lower) and playing online (students tend to consider this time to be discrediting them). In
any case, online communication for all groups of young people is extremely
significant and takes a significant resource of time.
2</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>Research design</title>
      <p>The report analyzes the data of two mass youth surveys conducted by the authors in
2018 and 2019. The sample size in both studies was 1,000 respondents; quota sample
with control of parameters of gender, age, education, region, type of settlement; the
method of collecting information was personal standardized interview. Moreover, the
features of political communication of youth in the Internet were analyzed. The
studies were conducted and the report was prepared as part of the implementation of the
RFBR grant, predicted the potential of youth political leadership (on the example of
South-West Siberia and the North-West of the Russian Federation in 2018–2020).</p>
      <p>A study of young people in four Russian regions (Altay Territory, Leningrad and
Novosibirsk Regions, St. Petersburg) in 2018 and 2019 showed that only 2.3% of
residents between the ages of 14 and 30 do not use any sources to obtain political
information. Almost 98% receive this information. In many cases, it is not a question
of purposeful search for political news, as the information policy of the media online
and offline, interpersonal communication turn a person sometimes simply into a
recipient of the information stream.
3</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>Findings</title>
      <p>As part of the data analysis, the variables related to the main types of information
sources involved by youth, the degree of interest in these sources, the experience of
conventional and non-conventional policies, as well as the index of youth political
activity were the subjects of analysis. Together with the simple distribution and
construction of contingency tables, we use elements of factor analysis and analysis of
standardized residues, which, in our opinion, together allow to draw quite reasonable
and valid conclusions.</p>
      <p>As the table. 1 data show, the leaders in bringing political information to young
people are information Internet resources, news feeds, videos, etc. and social
networks and instant messengers. At the same time, more than half of young people
(51%) use all forms of online sources to receive political news, 19.3% use only
Internet information resources, news feeds, videos, etc., 17.4% use only social networks
and instant messengers; 12.3% of youth do not use these resources at all.
Compared to the results of 2018, the distribution data for 2019 show that such sources
of information as social networks and instant messengers (growth by 2.4%), physical
environment (friends and acquaintances (+ 3.8%), and also relatives (+6.6)), radio (+
1.9%), traditional print media (regional and local newspapers (+ 1.8%), as well as the
central press (+ 0.1%) have increased; and vice versa, young people began to use such
sources as information Internet resources (drop by 4.4%), television (central (–2.4%)
and local (–0.2%), scientific literature (–1.0%) as well as party published I and
propaganda materials (-0.4%) less.</p>
      <p>The gender factor does not affect the priority of sources of political information;
some differences in other socio-demographic characteristics are recorded. Young
people from 18 to 21 with incomplete higher education, 1st – 3rd year university
students, and residents of megacities are inclined to use all the options for obtaining
political information online more than others obtain. The youngest people from 14 to
17, school students, people with incomplete secondary and primary vocational
education prefer to use for these purposes only social networks and instant messengers.
People officially employed from 26 to 30 largely focus only on Internet resources,
news feeds, videos, etc. Young people from 26 to 30 with secondary vocational
education, working informally, with a monthly income for each family member up to
10,000 rubles, residents of the countryside show a great tendency not to use online
resources to get political information at all.</p>
      <p>The status self-esteem of people with various types of obtaining political
information online is quite interesting. Respondents who consider themselves to the upper
layer prefer to obtain it only in networks and instant messengers; those of an
intermediate layer tend not to use online resources for this purpose at all; people referring
themselves to the layer between the middle and lower, use all types of online sources
to receive political news.</p>
      <p>Young people using all forms of online sources for receiving political news tend to
rate their interest in political events in the world as quite high, and in political events
Russia as very high. Citizens under 30, using only social networks and instant
messengers to receive political news, tend to rate their interest in world events and
political processes in their country as quite low. Fundamental differences in the level of
interest in political events in their region and place of their residence, depending on
the priority method of obtaining information, have not been identified. In all cases,
people who are not interested in politics are not inclined to use any channels for
obtaining information on this subject from the online space.</p>
      <p>The thesis of the “party of television” and “party of the Internet” is fully justified
in relation to youth. Those who do not use online resources to obtain political
information at all tend to watch federal television channels (53.6% of the group; the
statistically significant standardized balance is +2.0) or listen to the radio (16.8% of the
group; the statistically significant standardized balance is +2.2).</p>
      <p>Young people who use all forms of online political information sources are more
inclined than other groups to read non-fiction (12.8% of the group; the statistically
significant standardized balance is +3.4) and communicate on political topics with
friends and acquaintances (52% of the group; the statistically significant standardized
balance is +3.7) on these topics. This group is more skeptical about the prospects for
changing the quality of life (21.3% of the group; the statistically significant
standardized balance is +2.1).
The explanatory ability of the calculated model of factor analysis of sources for
political information for young people with a high level of political activity is 70.71%.
Because of factor analysis, including all the sources of information on politics used by
young people (Table 2), three factors were formed.</p>
      <p>Factor 1 “Printed Products” combined party literature, campaign materials,
regional and local newspapers, central newspapers, non-fiction.</p>
      <p>Factor 2 “Traditional channels of television and radio information” has recorded
the delimitation of traditional non-print media and Internet information resources.</p>
      <p>Factor 3 “Online Personal Communication Circle” has included communication in
social networks of not only friends and acquaintances, but also relatives. Although the
analysis showed that this youth group with high rates of involvement in political
activity uses all sources of political information, the traditional media and
communication with relatives have the greatest impact. The political mobilization of young
people is easier under the influence of network communication with friends and political
advertising materials than under the influence of scientific analytical materials printed
in the traditional way or obtained from virtual space.</p>
      <p>Contrary to popular beliefs in social circles, social networks, instant messengers,
and Internet channels in general have less mobilization ability to form a stable model
of active political behavior. They work well to mobilize young people for one-time
“high-profile” actions, but in the end, they are inferior to more traditional sources of
information.</p>
      <p>The analysis of the level of youth’s interest in world and Russian political events,
depending on the preference of various types of online sources is also of considerable
interest.
From the presented data (Tables 3 and 4) it can be seen that in the question of
correlation of the level of youth interest in political events in the world and in Russia, and
the types of various online sources, the following results can be recorded. There is a
direct connection between the manifested sufficient interest in world events and the
substantial interest in Russian events, and the declaration of the use of all forms of
online sources to receive political news (the statistically significant standardized
balances are +2.3 and +1.9, respectively), as well as a manifestation of weak interest in
Degree of interest
Very interested
I’m rather
interested in
Rather, not
interested
Not interested at
all
Difficult to answer
Total
11,2
21,6
-3,5
24,8
27,2
+5,1
15,2
+5,3
100,0</p>
      <p>Uses only
social
networks and
instant
messengers to
receive
political news
7,4
–2,2
38,6
35,2
+1,8
14,8
4,0
100,0</p>
      <p>Uses all
forms of
online
sources to
receive
political
news
15,1
48,7
+2,3
26,5
6,8
-3,2
2,9
–2,0
100,0</p>
      <p>Total
13,4
42,2
27,9
11,6
4,8
100,0
Doesn’t use
resources
online for
political
information
at all</p>
      <p>Uses only
Internet
sites to
receive
political
news
15,8
41,3
27,0
11,7
4,1
100,0
policy and use only social networks and instant messengers (the statistically
significant standardized balances are +1.8 and +3.1, respectively).</p>
      <p>A high correlation between ignoring world political events and the declaration of
nonuse of online resources for obtaining political information (the statistically significant
standardized balances are +5.1 and +6.1, respectively), and the presence of negative
feedback in intuitive cases is self-evident. Finally, data on the political practices of
youth with various priority sources for obtaining political information online is of
particular interest.
We see that the level of political involvement of Russian citizens under 30 who
receive political information online is higher than those who do not use virtual space for
these purposes (Table 5). The only exception is participation in the elections. Over the
past 2-3 years, 35.9% of all youth voted in the elections, including 44% who do not
use the Internet as a source of political information, as well as 36% of young people
who use all the information capabilities of the online space.</p>
      <p>Because of the grouping of the data of the 2019 study (Table 6), four youth groups
were identified that differ in the degree of potential and actual political activity.
Potential political activity is absent in 14.7% of young people, low – in 44.5%, medium
– in 29%, high – in 11.8%. Realized political activity is absent in 34.6% of youth, low
– in 55.5%, medium – in 7.8%, high – in 2.1%. Thus, there is a high indicator of the
unrealized political activity of young people, as well as a low indicator of the number
of those who are actively involved in the political life of our state (the political
activity of only one in ten can be estimated as medium or high).
100,0
The Table. 7 presents statistically significant standardized residuals that fix the
presence of stable indicators of the joint occurrence of various forms of political behavior.
Usually, voters, as well as young people applying to government bodies, usually
participate in unauthorized protests, financially help politicians and support their
projects, discuss political events on social networks and repost political information not
quite systematically, but rather spontaneously and situationally. Practicing the same
way in public organizations has the only difference: they tend to financially support
the projects of politicians and respond to various fundraising campaigns. For youth
representatives participating in the elections, participation in authorized strikes, rallies
and demonstrations is situational. A similar situational behavior is characteristic of
youth representatives working in public organizations regarding participation in
unauthorized protests, and for workers in political parties - regarding political activity on
social networks. Absence of negative relationship between the forms of political
behavior is important to note.</p>
      <p>We see that the level of real political activity of gender groups in the youth
environment is not different. At the same time, among young people who do not take part
in political life, as expected, people under 18 with primary and incomplete secondary
education, school and college students (technical schools, colleges) predominate
(statistically significant standardized balances are + 5.2, +5.7, +4.9, +1.8, respectively);
among people with low political activity – young people 26 to 30, as well as
university students (the statistically significant standardized balances are +1.7, +1.7,
respectively), with average political activity – higher education holders, officially employed
(working with registration under the contract and entering data into the workbook), as
well as owners of monthly incomes up to 10,000 rubles per family member,
subjectively referring to the intermediate between the middle and lower social stratum or
directly to the lower layer (the statistically significant standardized balance are +2.7 ,
+2.2, + 2.1, +1.9, +1.8, +1.9).</p>
      <p>The special socio-demographic profile of young people with a high degree of
political activity is poorly visible, but among them there is a higher proportion of officially
employed young people; in addition, young people from the Novosibirsk region are
more involved in politics among the surveyed regions (senior balances are +2.9, +2.1,
respectively). It is important that, contrary to popular beliefs, there were no significant
differences in the political activity of young people living in different types of
settlements, with the only exception: in small cities, young people are slightly more
inclined to show a low level of involvement in political life (the statistically significant
standardized balance is +1.6).</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-5">
      <title>Conclusions</title>
      <p>The data presented in the article, in our opinion, correspond to an understanding of
the close interconnection of forms of political participation, sources and degree of
interest in political information and political behavior as a condition for a significant
impact of participation on real political processes of such an important social group of
any society as youth. There are undoubted different points of view on the degree of
significance of this social group for people who directly make decisions at a particular
moment in the development of society, and, moreover, in the face of heterogeneous
social and political conditions in such a complex country as the Russian Federation, it
is quite problematic to extrapolate the data to the entire public space of our country.
Nevertheless, we argue that the conclusions presented below are not only a case for
describing the situation in four specific regions, but can be used and involved in
making decisions on adjusting youth policy nationwide.</p>
      <p>
        In the course of the research, we present the following conclusions: (
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">1</xref>
        ) The most
popular sources of political information for young people are Internet information
resources, news feeds, social networks and instant messengers; (
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">2</xref>
        ) There is a
tendency to increase the popularity of information sources such as social networks and
instant messengers, the physical environment (friends and acquaintances, as well as
relatives), radio and traditional print media; (
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref3">3</xref>
        ) Gender does not affect the priority of
sources of political information. More than others tend to use almost all options for
obtaining political information online young people between the ages of 18 and 21
with unfinished higher education, students of 1-3 courses of universities, residents of
megacities. Only social networks and messengers prefer to use the youngest people
between the ages of 14 and 17, school pupils, people with incomplete secondary and
primary vocational education. They focus only on information Internet resources,
news feeds, videos, etc., to a greater extent, people between the ages of 26 and 30
who are officially employed; (
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">4</xref>
        ) Respondents who consider themselves to the upper
social layer prefer to receive political information only in networks and instant
messengers. Those who relate themselves as an intermediate layer between the upper
and middle layers tend not to use online resources for this purpose at all; and those
referring to the layer between the middle and lower use all types of online sources to
receive political news; (
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">5</xref>
        ) The thesis of the “TV party” and “Internet party” in
relation to youth is relevant. Those who do not use online resources to obtain political
information at all tend to watch federal television channels or listen to the radio; (
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6">6</xref>
        )
The political mobilization of youth occurs under the influence of network
communication with friends and advertising political materials easier than under the influence
of scientific analytical materials presented in a traditional way or obtained from
virtual space; (
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref7">7</xref>
        ) The political mobilization of young people is under influence by online
communication with friends and promotional political materials more than by
scientific analytical materials presented in the traditional way or obtained from virtual
space; (
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
        ) At the same time, contrary to popular beliefs in scientific and journalistic
circles, social networks, instant messengers, and Internet channels in general have less
mobilization ability to form a stable model of active political behavior. They work
well to mobilize young people for one-time “high-profile” actions, but in the end, they
are inferior to more traditional sources of information; (
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">9</xref>
        ) There is a direct connection
between the manifested sufficient interest to world events and the substantial interest
to Russian events and the declaration of the use of all forms of online sources to
receive political news, as well as the manifestation of a weak interest in politics and the
use of only social networks and instant messengers. High correlation between
ignoring world political events and a declaration of non-use of online resources for
obtaining political information, and the presence of negative feedback in intuitive cases are
self-evident; (
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">10</xref>
        ) The level of political involvement of Russian citizens under 30 who
obtain political information online is higher than those who do not use virtual space
for this purpose. The only exception is participation in the elections; (
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">11</xref>
        ) We
identified four groups of youth that differ in the degree of potential and actual political
activity, from the absence to the highest degree; (
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">12</xref>
        ) The presence of stable indicators
of the joint occurrence of various forms of political behavior. Usually, voters, as well
as young people applying to government bodies, participate in unauthorized protests,
financially help politicians and support their projects, discuss political events on
social networks and repost political information not quite systematically, but rather
spontaneous and situational. Those who turn to social organizations behave almost the
same way, the only difference is their financial support the projects of politicians and
response to various types of fundraising campaigns. For youth representatives
participating in the elections, participation in authorized strikes, rallies and demonstrations
is situational. A similar situational behavior is characteristic for youth representatives
working in public organizations regarding participation in unauthorized protests, and
for workers in political parties regarding political activity on social networks; (
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">13</xref>
        )
The level of real political activity of gender groups in the youth environment does not
differ. Among young people who do not take part in political life, as one would
expect, people under 18 with primary and incomplete secondary education, school and
college students (technical schools, schools) predominate. Among people with low
political activity – young people from 26 to 30, as well as university students; with
average political activity – holders of higher education, officially employed (officially
working with registration), as well as owners of monthly incomes of up to 10,000
rubles per family member, subjectively referring themselves to the intermediate
between the middle and lower social strata or directly to the lower layer; (
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14">14</xref>
        ) The
special socio-demographic profile of youth with a high degree of political activity is
poorly visible, but among them, there is a higher proportion of officially employed
young people; in addition, young people from the Novosibirsk region among the
surveyed regions are more involved in politics. It is important that, contrary to popular
beliefs, there were no significant differences in the political activity of youth living in
different types of settlements, with the only exception: in small cities, youth are
slightly more inclined to demonstrate a low level of involvement in political life.
Acknowledgement. The research was financially supported by the grant of the Russian
Foundation for Basic Research No. 18-011-01184 “The Potential of Youth Political Leadership in
the Course of Political Socialization and Circulation of the Elites in the Russian Regions in the
2010s (on the example of South-West Siberia and the North-West of the Russian Federation)”,
2018-2020. work was conducted with support of RFBR grant №16-36-60035 “The research of
social efficiency of e-participation portals in Russia”.
      </p>
    </sec>
  </body>
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