=Paper= {{Paper |id=Vol-2865/short7 |storemode=property |title=Emotional Imprints: Exclamation Marks in N.F.S. Grundtvig’s Writings |pdfUrl=https://ceur-ws.org/Vol-2865/short7.pdf |volume=Vol-2865 |authors=Katrine F. Baunvig,Oliver Jarvis,Kristoffer L. Nielbo |dblpUrl=https://dblp.org/rec/conf/dhn/BaunvigJN20a }} ==Emotional Imprints: Exclamation Marks in N.F.S. Grundtvig’s Writings== https://ceur-ws.org/Vol-2865/short7.pdf
                     Emotional Imprints:
            Exclamation Marks in N.F.S. Grundtvig’s
                          Writings
             Katrine F. Baunvig1 Oliver Jarvis2 and Kristoffer L. Nielbo2
                                    ,

                 1The Grundtvig Study Centre, Aarhus University, Denmark
              2Centre for Humanities Computing, Aarhus University, Denmark


       Abstract. Undertaking a distant reading of exclamation marks in the digitized
       and annotated N.F.S. Grundtvig data, this paper targets a trait of an overall ro-
       manticist, emotionalizing trend in a corpus of 19th century literature: It proposes
       to analyze the use of exclamation marks as a deposition of heightened attention
       to emotional experience and intention in printed matter and typesetting in the
       writings of the Danish poet, priest and politician N.F.S. Grundtvig (1783-1872),
       who is widely regarded as the central figure in the 19th century Danish religious
       development and cultural nation building process. By way of Topic Modeling
       (Latent Dirichlet Allocation) this paper sketches the temporal as well as semantic
       contexts of the exclamation marks.


       Keywords: N.F.S. Grundtvig, 19th Century, Exclamation Marks, Letter-Spac-
       ing, Typography, Emotional History, Topic Modeling (LDA).


1      Introduction

Less is more. This is the ‘methodo-logic’ undergirding this study. Using Ockham’s ra-
zor on methodological considerations, we have sought to trim our research design. That
is: in this paper we want to demonstrate how a relatively simple set-up, in terms of
computational capacity, can tweak out valuable information and answer hermeneuti-
cally complex research questions at a domain-specific level – in this case within the
study of N.F.S. Grundtvig (1783-1872), emotional history and 19th century typesetting.
Using the relatively commonplace procedure of Topic Modeling (Latent Dirichlet Al-
location), the contribution of this study is, in terms of content, found in the field of
Grundtvig scholarship. But, in terms of methodological meta-reflections, it targets any
computational humanist seeking to calibrate subject matter with material objects and
procedures.


2      Emotional History, Grundtvig and Exclamation Marks

The 19 century is oftentimes presented as the entry into modernity: A period in which
       th


fundamental political and psychological phenomena, dominating the world today, were
established. Among these phenomena were the cultivation and secularization of the
private emotional experience [1]. As is well established in scholarly literature, particu-
larly the beginning of the period – the eve of the Romantic era – testifies to a significant
expansion in the vocabulary used for registering and describing such experiences [2].




             Copyright © 2021 for this paper by its authors. Use permitted under
            Creative Commons License Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0).
                                           157




Handbooks on Romanticism thus hold entries with suggestive titles such as ‘The Sub-
jective Turn’; anthologies on the matter are rich with chapters on ‘emotionalization’
[3,4].
   Building on and expanding our paper “Emotional Imprints: Letter Spacing in N.F.S.
Grundtvig’s Writings” [5] the current paper deals with yet another specific trait, or per-
haps more precisely, yet another specific material consequence of the overall romanti-
cist emotionalizing trend: it deals with the deposition of heightened attention to subjec-
tive emotional experience and/or intention in printed matter and typesetting. As the
romantic movement worked its way through languages, authors and printers seemed
ever keener on engraving texts with emotion. Thus, typographical strategies to convey
feelings and intents were advanced [6]. As we have shown in our previous study this is
not least the case with the writings of the Danish poet, pastor and politician N.F.S.
Grundtvig, who is widely regarded as the central figure in the 19th century Danish na-
tion building process [7] and in the construction of a modern Danish Christianity [8].
   Grundtvig was deeply (though complexly) indebted to the romantic movements [9]
– not least in respect to the emotionalization of texts. In his colossal amount of pub-
lished writings, he was paradoxically committed to promoting the kind of open-ended
and sensitive communicative style often associated with oral communication, creating
layers of emphasis and emotional imprints. Not least through the typographical use of
exclamation marks. Numerous Grundtvig readers will have noticed the vast amount of
exclamation marks in his writings. However, scholars have mentioned them only in
passing. Therefore, in the following, we want to take the first steps towards a more
systematic study of this specific stylistic trait by delving into the temporal distribution
of exclamation marks and, by way of Topic Modeling (Latent Dirichlet Allocation), by
plotting their most salient semantic environment in the complete collection of
Grundtvig’s published writings.


3      Emotional Imprints as Proxy for Grundtvig’s Core-Content

In scholarly literature it is widely acknowledged that Grundtvig sought to stimulate the
process of assembling a Danish collective-emotional consciousness based on 1) a hor-
izontal-contemporary axis incorporating the different strata within the socially hetero-
geneous “Folk” [10] and on 2) a vertical-temporal-historical axis connecting present-
day Danes with forefathers and legendary characters. In social historian Benedict An-
derson’s words, the emotional fabric intended by this attempted interlacing was an ‘im-
agined community’ [11].
   Today Grundtvig is celebrated for his efforts: “N.F.S. Grundtvig founded Danish
democracy”; “N.F.S. Grundtvig established the Church of Denmark (folkekirken)”;
“N.F.S. Grundtvig is the founder of the Danish school system”; “N.F.S. Grundtvig re-
vived the pre-Christian Nordic tradition”; “N.F.S. Grundtvig is the most important
writer of Christian hymns in Denmark”. These are surprisingly recurrent statements in
Danish public media deeming his intellectual activity more culturally important than
the work of his world-famous contemporaries Søren A. Kierkegaard (1813-1855) and
H.C. Andersen (1805-1875).
   One reason for Grundtvig’s continuing relevance, measured in current political and
cultural media attention, seems to have been the introduction of emotional categories
                                           158




to domains where they hitherto had been irrelevant: A) In the relationship between the
individual and the Danish people, Grundtvig encouraged individuals to feel part of the
collective national entity, Denmark [14]; B) In the relationship between the individual
and the church, Grundtvig encouraged individuals to take part in and feel part of con-
gregational life [14]. Following this line of thought, one could expect that national-
ethnic terms as well as Christo-religious terms – the two domains representing
Grundtvig’s supposed core-content – would be highlighted in his writings.
   However, of late, historian J.F. Møller has convincingly argued the case, that the
Grundtvig legacy and reception history distorts specific core features of the Grundtvig
writings – not least pertaining to Grundtvig’s skepticism towards democracy [15]. Per-
haps distortion is at play in our material as well? Perhaps the believed emotional im-
printing strategy of exclamation marks will indicate unanticipated centers of semantic
gravitation in Grundtvig’s writings? Before finding out and delving into Grundtvig’s
writings, we need to consider the material at hand as well as the context surrounding
the typographic trait of exclamation marks.


3.1    N.F.S. Grundtvig’s Published Writings. Hard Facts
Grundtvig was a polyglot and polymath, who wrote on a variety of different subjects.
Therefore, the Grundtvig dataset is enormously varied in terms of genre and content. It
covers books, essays and poems on Danish history, Nordic mythology and Church his-
tory, political and philosophical texts, as well as linguistic studies of Old Icelandic and
Old English. In the general public, however, he is better known for his hymns, of which
he wrote close to 1,600.
   In toto the Grundtvig corpus comprises 37.000 pages, published from 1804 to 1872:
This material has been OCR prepared and is being furnished with XML markup by the
staff of the Grundtvig Study Centre, Aarhus University. As a part of this process, the
bulk of the collected writings born in the blackletter typeface Fraktur has been trans-
formed into the Roman typeface Antiqua, more familiar to a modern audience. The
exclamation mark, however, is an unproblematic constant in both typefaces.


3.2    A Short History of the Exclamation Mark

The origin of the punctus exclamativus or punctus admirativus in western punctuation
history is blurred. Tentative consensus seems to be that humanists and so-called ‘dic-
taminists’ in the early renaissance milieu sought to revive oratorical ideals imbued in
the concept of writing in Antiquity [16], but lost in the reading history of the Early
Middle Ages. In other words, the exclamation mark was born an ‘oratorical tool’ guid-
ing readers to add emphasis to a given sentence. In the 1360s the Italian poet Iacopo
Alpoleio da Urbisaglia claimed to be its inventor [16]; Italian humanist and man of
letters Coluccio Salutati (1331-1406) is said to have revived or promoted the sign in the
years around 1400 [16]. Widespread usage of the sign, however, had to wait until the
16th century in Central European languages, when the printing press had revolutionized
text and book production [17]. In Danish, however, the spread seems to be somewhat
delayed [18, 19]; though no thoroughgoing study as of yet has solidified the claim, the
                                          159




private-portable hymnbooks seems to be an important distribution channel for exclama-
tion marks in a period where literacy levels of the general population in (Protestant)
Denmark slowly began to climb: in the late 1600 and early 1700 [cf. 20]. In text material
produced in the era of the Romantic movement – the late 18th and early 19th century –
exclamation marks where suddenly all over the place. Not least in N.F.S. Grundtvig’s
writings.


4      Exploring Grundtvig’s Exclamation Marks

We wish to establish 1) whether N.F.S. Grundtvig’s use of exclamation marks changes
significantly over time. Assuming that exclamation marks can be taken as Grundtvig’s
signals of heightened attention, we furthermore wish to profile and determine 2) the
semantic topics most likely clinging to or calling for exclamation marks in his writings.
This exploration is taken as a proxy for an emotional indication of the (intended) core-
content in Grundtvig’s writings.


4.1    The Grundtvig Data

Grundtvig’s collected writings are available in XML (N = 1073) following the TEI
guidelines. Currently 42% are richly annotated, but the process of enriching the data is
ongoing. The project’s scheduled completion date is in 2029. The data set has a median
document size of four pages and contains 3.968.841 word tokens distributed over
115.240 word-types. The data for the current study are available at:
https://github.com/centre-for-humanities-computing/grundtvig-data. The data is avail-
able in this format through an agreement with Grundtvig Study Centre. Furthermore,
we have developed a custom XML parser available to facilitate third-party data explo-
ration. The parser is available at: https://github.com/centre-for-humanities-compu-
ting/GrundtvigParser.


4.2    Distribution of Exclamation Marks

Weaning in early and late publications, the distribution of exclamation marks in
Grundtvig’s writings falls in 5-6 temporal ‘islands’ of 1,000-2,000 marks published pro
anno (Figure 2). Certain years stand out: In 1815, 1818, 1827 the level rises to 4,000-
5,000 pro anno (Figure 2); 1837, however, holds the most impressive spike: Just above
7,000 marks in one year alone (Figure 2).
                                            160




                 Figure 1. Distribution of Grundtvig’s Published Writings




      Figure 2. Distribution of Exclamation Marks in Grundtvig’s Published Writings




Figure 3. Distribution of Exclamation Marks in Grundtvig’s Writings Relative to Publications
                                           161




Though no significant co-relation between publishing house and the quantum of excla-
mation marks in Grundtvig’s writings has been detected [cf. 5], a brief stop to pick up
a couple of points on publishing ‘management’ of exclamation marks within two par-
ticular publications is relevant at this stage. The 1838 In Living Memory (Mands Minde)
lectures were published posthumously in 1877 by N.F.S.’s son Svend Grundtvig (1824-
1883). In our material we have categorized it a 1838 product. It is, however, well known
that Svend Grundtvig censured and adjusted the orthography and punctuation of his
father leaving out letter-spacings and exclamation marks that were part of the original
manuscript [21]. In other words, the 1838 score would in all likelihood be higher had it
not been for Grundtvig Jr.’s handling of the scripts.
    Yet a relevant if curious and minor detail: In the 1807 essay “On Religion and Lit-
urgy” (“Om Religion og Liturgie”) the editor leaves critical voice-over-like comments
in footnotes and parentheses in the body of the text containing three exclamation marks
(!!!). It seems to be a strategy akin to the editorial textual meta-comment ‘sic’/‘sic!’
(short for ‘sic erat scriptum’) originally assuring readers that nothing has been distorted
in transcription or in the typesetting process. In this instance the editor, however, unor-
thodoxly uses the exclamation marks to signal his bafflement over and skepticism to-
wards the line of young Grundtvig’s arguments [22].



4.3    Profiling of Exclamatory Environment: Topic Modeling (LDA) Procedure
       and Semantic Overview

The corpus was split into sentences; sentences that ended in exclamation marks were
extracted for further analysis. In order to create larger document sizes, the sentences
were concatenated into groups of three exclamation sentences. These merged sentences
were passed through a pre-processing pipeline consisting of removal of whitespace,
punctuation, numbers (excluding 4-digit numbers; in order to maintain numbers repre-
senting years). The sentences were subsequently lowercased, lemmatized and to-
kenized.
    The tokenized inputs were stripped of words carrying low semantic weight, i.e. stop-
words, and were further filtered so that each document only contained words present in
at least five other documents, but in no more than half the total document count. These
steps attempt to ensure that only semantically weighty words appear in our topic model.
Twenty Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) [23, 24] models were trained on the docu-
ments, and their coherence scores were measured in order to determine the optimal
number of topics. A topic count of 5 was deemed optimal based on the results of the
analysis (Figure 4, Figure 5); for the analysis we found that a relevance metric at λ =
0.8 [23] was optimal.
                                           162




           Figure 4. Coherence Metric in the Grundtvig Exclamation Sub-Corpus




             Figure 5. Inter-Topic Distance Map (via multidimensional scaling)

The five topics semantically invite for a further sub-division into two main topics: A) a
‘Christo-religious topic’ (1, 2, 3) and B) a ‘national-ethnic topic’ (4,5). We will analyze
A and B below. Here allow for a couple of observations corroborating and nuancing
this sub-division:
                                                            163




    The term most likely to occur in the vicinity of an exclamation mark is: ‘God’
(‘Gud’). The overall term frequency in the exclamation corpus is just below 8,000. First
runner up is: ‘Lord’ (‘Herre’) with an overall term frequency just below 5,000. ‘Death’
(‘Død’) is second runner up with approximately 3,000; ‘Vel’ – a Danish equivalent to
the English ‘Well’ connoting something explicitly benign as well as something addi-
tional, a surplus of a sort – comes in fourth with close to 2,500 occurrences. ‘Danish’
(‘Dansk’), ‘the North’(‘Norden’), ‘Denmark’ (‘Danmark’) are also represented. In
other words: As is evident from the top-30 list (Figure 6) on the one hand a Christo-
religious and on the other a national-ethnic cluster seem to be at play. This dual picture
is relatively clear; and in being so, it differs slightly from the more thematically diffuse
image arising of the full Grundtvig corpus (Figure 7).




Translation top-to-bottom: danish, god, human, the north, truth, lord, denmark, faith, people, son, saw, earth, old, king,
  got/few, wild, sword, christian, could, got/few, death, oath, just, christian, light, see, well, christ’, should, cloud/shy.

           Figure 6. Top-30 Most Salient Terms in the Grundtvig Exclamation Corpus
                                                             164




Translation top-to-bottom: king, do, denmark, boat, truth, land, case, human, church, und (German), do, die (German),
kingdom/rich, get, put, walk/go, son, far, real, law, living, certain, history, the north, site/page, nevertheless, seem, first,
thing,mouth.
                  Figure 7. Top-30 Most Salient Terms in the Grundtvig Full Corpus


4.4       Analysis A: The National-Ethnic Topics
Topic 4 and 5 are relatively clearly oriented towards national-ethnic topics; where topic
4 tends to deal with the Danish experience of life and its conditions, topic 5 is slightly
more oriented towards the past and towards the rest of Scandinavia: the North.




   Translation top-to-bottom: Danish, people, Denmark, well, could, just, give, wild, find, right/straight, do, old, god,
     speak/speech, may, go, honor, get, land/kingdom, win, heart, spirit, word, hand, let, stand, day, life, could, side.

                                  Figure 8. Topic 4: The Danish Way of Life

Perhaps surprisingly topic 4 does not seem to be nested in a belligerent, anti-German
discourse. Instead the relatively high number of verbs within this cluster might be said
                                                             165




to reflect a Protestant work ethic – the concept famously coined by German sociologist
of religion Max Weber in the early 1900s [cf. 25]. In any case Grundtvig was part of a
broad 19th century, romantic tendency to idealize peasants and the peasantry – and to
rank hard physical outdoor labor over the lifestyle of a clerk spend reading and writing
indoors. A kind of manifest the 1839 poem and song “A common and merry vigorous
Life on Earth” (“Et jævnt og muntert virksomt Liv paa Jord”) sums up this mentality –
one that seems to have left its imprint on the verbs in the word list of topic 4, we suggest.




Translation top-to-bottom: the north, old, go, people, get, denmark, danish, wild, go, well, king, get, time, long, giant, saw,
Odin, could, beacon, should, saga, king, honor, stand, let, happiness/fate, dare, year, many, day.
                                           Figure 9. Topic 5: The North


Topic 5 is preoccupied with the ‘old’ pre-Christian Nordic past of ‘Denmark’ and the
Danish ‘people’; ‘many’ ‘days’ and ‘years’ of roaming ‘giants’ and a reigning ‘Odin’;
a past mediated by ‘Saga’, the demi-goddess personification of Nordic history and an
important agent in a variety of Grundtvig’s writings such as the somewhat autobio-
graphical New Year’s Morning (Nyaars-Morgen) written in 1824.


4.5       Analysis B: The Christo-Religious Topics

Even though topic 1, 2, and 3 all seem to be carriers of Christian discourse, a division
of labour is detectable in the finer nuances of the individual word lists. In fact, it seems
that topic 1 tends to deal with ‘lived religion’ and church life (Figure 11); topic 2 grav-
itates towards ontological matters – the composition of the universe and the concept of
                                                               166




time (Figure 12); topic 3 more vaguely seems to hold elements dedicated on the one
hand to ‘mystical’ experience and on the other to Old Testament narratives (Figure 13).




Translation top-to-bottom: god, lord, faith, word, truth, world, human, spirit, life, alive, faith, should, do, church, let,
children, call, could, wild, christ’s, death/dead, light, speak/speech, well, love, give, christ-like/christian, spiritual, may.
                                         Figure 11. Topic 1: Lived Religion




Translation top-to-bottom: god, death/dead, life, word, heart, lord, sky, light, earth, day, spirit, grave, let, joy, sing-
ing/song, the earth, eternal, peace, cloud/sky, name, give, world, wave, voice, go, sea, son, soul, honor, high.
                                      Figure 12. Topic 2: Ontology and Time
                                                           167




Translation top-to-bottom: god, lord, saw, see, son, king, oath, well, sword, do, land/country, world, name, spirit, re-
ceive, let, give, gold, people, rock, hold, could, blood, pray, get, word, life, giant, bear/yield, fall.
                             Figure 13. Topic 4: Mysticism and Old Testament

Figure 11 displays a semantic conglomerate held together by ‘god’-the-‘lord’ and by
human ‘faith’ and congregational life in ‘church’. Figure 12 exhibits a semantic tissue
held together by naked facts of the ‘earth’, the ‘sea’, the ‘sky’, ‘life’ and ‘death’ – per-
haps with a soft drift towards the ‘eternal’ ‘peace’ of the after-life? A bit ambiguous,
Figure 13 might help us catch Grundtvig’s preoccupation with the mystical-cognitive
experiences of revelatory insight (cf. ‘saw’, ‘see’) [26]; it might also carry signals of
Grundtvig’s partiality towards narrative strategies of the Old Testament and the ar-
chaic-benign worldview preoccupied with divine blessing and abundance on earth con-
tained within it (‘land’, ‘receive’, ‘gold’ etc.) [27, 28].


5         Concluding Remarks: The Punctum Admirativus of
          Grundtvig’s Hymns and Songs

What arises from these five topics is a semantic profile more akin to the one found in
Grundtvig’s poetic writings in hymns and songs than to the sum of his writings – to his
prose. Building on the plot of the distribution of Grundtvig’s exclamation marks (Figure
2) and noticing the uncontested peak in 1837 – the publication year of Grundtvig’s song
and hymn compilation Glockenspiel for the Danish Church (Sang-Værk til den Danske
Kirke) containing 401 individual texts – we thus suggest that Grundtvig’s exclamation
marks are overrepresented in hymns and songs. Certain features of the five topics found
within the Grundtvig exclamation sub-corpus corroborate this, a main one being the
conspicuous lack of an anti-German agenda in topic 4 concerned with things Danish –
a topic otherwise often drawing in negative reflections of the neighboring country in
Grundtvig’s prose [cf. 5]. On this basis we propose that what we see in Grundtvig’s
                                                168




deployment of exclamation marks is a continuation of a religious exclamation usage in
material supporting Christian worship (‘lovsang’) suchs as hymns. In other words: He
draws mainly on the ‘venerational’ aspects of the exclamation mark imbued in its for-
mer title punctus admirativus. This at least explains the over-all ‘positive’ bend of the
semantic clusters oriented towards the Christo-religious sphere (1,2,3) and the national-
ethnic sphere (4,5) respectively.
   An additional closing remark: The clear-cut topical division – into a Christo-reli-
gious cluster and a national-ethnic one – is in itself worth highlighting: as was the case
for our latter-spacing study [5], this corroborates the mainstream twofold Grundtvig
reception history. Again this is a non-trivial finding, making it possible to suggest a
limit to the implications of the views held by J.F. Møller – that legacy and reception
have distorted the core-content of Grundtvig’s work [12]: At least this is not evident
from the current exploration at scale of Grundtvig’s exclamation marks as emotional
imprints and signals of core-content very much consistent with the ‘Grundtvig myth’
and public reception.


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