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  <front>
    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Human Trafficking Screening in Humanitarian Relief and Development</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Hannah Thinyane</string-name>
          <email>hannah@unu.edu</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>United Nations University, Institute in Macao. Casa Silva Mendes</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>Estrada do Engenheiro Trigo No 4, Macao SAR</addr-line>
          ,
          <country country="CN">China</country>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <abstract>
        <p>Human trafficking is a problem of global concern, with estimates suggesting that approximately 25 million men, women and children are trapped in these situations of severe labour exploitation worldwide. The eradication of these exploitative situations has been listed as one of the targets in the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals, yet much progress is needed to meet this goal of decent work for all. Identifying victims is a critical first step in supporting workers to exit these work environments. This paper describes the design and evaluation of Apprise, an expert system we developed and have been using in Asia Pacific to support stakeholders to identify victims of labour exploitation and human trafficking. It draws four key recommendations for using expert systems in humanitarian relief and development: a comprehensive understanding of who defines the 'good' in AI for 'social good' interventions; a consideration of human rights implications of AI systems; broad participation by stakeholders in the design of the system; and an understanding of the way that digital technology will be used to amplify human intent.</p>
      </abstract>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>Introduction</title>
      <p>
        Over the last few years, the world has been shaped by major
migration and displacement events. While almost two thirds
of the 272 million international migrants migrated for work
purposes, significant numbers were displaced due to conflict
(e.g. within and from Syria, Yemen, and South Sudan),
extreme violence (e.g. Rohingyans fleeing to Bangladesh),
economic and political instability (e.g. in Venezuela), and
climate change (e.g. China and USA)
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">(IOM 2019)</xref>
        .
Regardless of the push and pull factors that incentivise
people to move, all except the very few independently
wealthy must seek work to provide for themselves and their
families. While this strategy has benefited millions of
internal and international migrants, it has also given rise to
exploitative working conditions, as booming markets and
rapid urbanization have resulted in a constant demand for
cheap labour
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">(Benach et al. 2011)</xref>
        . These workers are often
forced to fill dangerous, dirty, or degrading jobs, which are
able to exist due to weak labour governance in the
destination cities and countries
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14 ref28">(Zimmerman and Kiss
2017)</xref>
        . The exploitation that they face can range from
payment under minimum wage and discrimination to more
severe kinds of exploitation such as hazardous work, long
hours, physical confinement, and violence.
      </p>
      <p>
        In popular media, the phrases ‘labour exploitation’,
‘forced labour’ and ‘human trafficking’ are used
interchangeably, so a clarification of these terms is essential
at this point. In this work we draw on Skȓivánková’s
continuum of exploitation (Figure 1) (2010) that defines
‘decent work’ and ‘forced labour’ as two ends of a
continuum. The International Labour Organization defines
forced labour as “all work or service which is exacted from
any person under the threat of a penalty and for which the
person has not offered himself or herself voluntarily”
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">(ILO
1930)</xref>
        . Any situation between the two end points represents
violations of labour and /or criminal law and is referred to
as labour exploitation.
      </p>
      <p>These exploitative situations include “compromising
conditions that deny fundamental principles and rights at
work, put at risk the lives, health, freedom, human dignity
and security of workers or keep households in conditions of
poverty” (ILO 2015, 1). Using this continuum, we can see
human trafficking as a process, consisting of a series of
exploitative acts that move the worker towards a situation of
forced labour.</p>
      <p>
        Global estimates suggest that approximately 25 million
people are trapped in situations of forced labour or human
trafficking
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14 ref28">(ILO and Walk Free 2017)</xref>
        . The most recent
figures indicate that in 2019, only 0.2% of the total number
of victims of human trafficking were identified and
subsequently helped. We refer to this figure heeding the
caution of researchers such as Weitzer who note that “it is
impossible to satisfactorily count (or even estimate) the
number of persons involved or the magnitude of profits
within an illicit, clandestine, underground economy at the
macro level”
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref27">(Weitzer 2014)</xref>
        . Instead, we refer to it to
illustrate that: there are a large number of people, often
migrant workers
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14 ref28">(Zimmerman and Kiss 2017)</xref>
        , in situations
of forced labour and human trafficking that are currently
unidentified and subsequently unable to be helped; that
current identification techniques are failing the vast
proportion of victims of human trafficking; and that the data
that has been collected, comes from a very small proportion
of cases.
      </p>
      <p>
        Although the eradication of human trafficking and forced
labour is listed as Target 8.7 of the Sustainable Development
Goals, much progress is still required to meet this lofty goal,
specifically in the development of effective responses for
trafficking prevention and assistance to victims
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref17">(Kiss and
Zimmerman 2019)</xref>
        . Identifying victims is a critical first
step in providing this assistance to victims, but is made
difficult by a number of factors, including: the hidden nature
of the crime; foreign victims fear of detention or deportation
by authorities; fear of retribution; corruption; language
problems; and a lack of training and resources in the field
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref22">(Thinyane, Hannah 2019)</xref>
        . In this work, we use the term
frontline responders (FLRs) to refer to those who come into
first contact with victims of labour exploitation, and have
the job of assessing their working conditions, and helping
them to become aware of and gain access to social services,
complaint or grievance mechanisms, and support (for
example emergency shelters and legal representation).
These stakeholders often include local or federal police,
government labour inspectors, health care providers; as well
as non-state partners including social workers,
intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), non-governmental
organizations (NGOs), and civil society organizations
(CSOs).
      </p>
      <p>This paper presents a case study of the use of Apprise, an
AI-based screening tool to support FLRs to assess labour
conditions and vulnerability in precarious work
environments. It draws from our 4 years’ experience
working with a wide variety of FLRs including: private
auditors in supply chains across Asia-Pacific; Royal Thai
Navy and Ministry of Labour Inspectors in fishing sector in
Thailand; and NGOs, CSOs, and IGOs in fishing and sex
work sector in Thailand. From this experience, the paper
draws key recommendations for using AI more broadly in
humanitarian relief and development.</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>Apprise</title>
      <p>
        This section describes Apprise, a screening tool that we
developed to support FLRs to proactively screening workers
for indications of labour exploitation and human trafficking.
This screening tool supports workers to raise concerns on
the illegal, undignified, or exploitative employment that
they are trapped in. If they choose to exit their current work
situation, workers then can have access to help, remediation,
and justice. As a complete description of this research is
outside the scope (and page limit) of this paper, we
summarise the key points here that are needed to frame the
subsequent discussion in the remainder of the paper,
referring interested readers to
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref22">(Thinyane, Hannah 2019)</xref>
        for
full details.
      </p>
      <p>We undertook a series of consultations with a broad range
of direct (those who are intended to directly make use of a
technology) and indirect (those who will be impacted by a
technology) stakeholders, including: survivors of human
trafficking; local and regional NGOs; inspectors from
Department of Special Investigations; and
intergovernmental organizations with mandates in
migration and / or trafficking. The first stakeholder
consultation identified the initial screening phase of victim
identification as a critical first step in the process, where
technology could potentially play a role. FLRs identified
key problems that they face in initial screening as: language
barriers / communication; lack of training or common
understanding of the indicators of human trafficking;
screenings being undertaken in uncontrolled environments,
where victims’ privacy could not be guaranteed; and a lack
of trust between all parties involved (workers, FLRs and
translators - where available). On the latter of these points,
stakeholders noted that migrant workers were often most
susceptible to labour exploitation, and translators were
required to be present in the initial screening process.
Scheduling and resourcing problems were widely
recognized in the field, as a FLR would not know which
language workers would speak, so could not guarantee that
they would have a translator with them who could speak the
required languages. Stakeholders also noted that they could
not verify the accuracy of translations in the field and spoke
frequently of cases of translators who had been bribed by
exploiters to mistranslate workers responses. Based on this
consultation we identified the potential for a mobile-phone
based, multilingual, expert system, to support FLRs and
workers to communicate during the initial screening phase
of victim identification.</p>
      <p>From this, we developed Apprise, an app that is installed
on the FLRs phone, but ultimately is a tool in the potential
victims’ hands. When combined with a set of headphones,
it offers workers privacy to answer audio questions that are
played in their language. It contains screening
questionnaires for different sectors of work (Figure 2(a)),
with audio questions translated into the most common
languages among migrant workers communities in that
sector / region (selected by the worker, Figure 2(b)). Once
the worker has selected their language, the app begins by
playing an introductory video, describing the purpose of the
interview, introducing the FLR, and demonstrating how to
use the app (Figured 2(c)). It then asks for consent to
continue to ask the worker a list of questions. Each list
contains a mixture of positively and negatively worded
yes/no questions (Figure 2(d)). Branching is included in the
question list, enabling different information to be collected
based on responses to previous questions. The last question
in each list asks the worker if they would like help to exit
their work situation. After completing these questions, a
vulnerability calculation is performed, and an audio is
played to inform the worker of the vulnerability of their
situation. They are also given a chance to reconsider if they
would like help to exit their work situation based on the
outcome of the screening. At this point, the phone is
returned to the FLR and the key vulnerabilities are
summarised to inform FLRs follow-up investigations.</p>
      <p>
        To assess the vulnerability of the situation, each question
has a predefined weighting and categorical information,
based on four principle dimensions of exploitation: unfree
recruitment, work and life under duress, impossibility to
leave, coercion / penalty or menace of penalty. Each
question is also aligned to one of the eleven indicators of
forced labour (as defined by ILO (2012b)). The knowledge
base takes into consideration the age of the respondent, to
pay particular attention to child labour (adapted from
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">(ILO
2012a)</xref>
        ), and adapted to different Labour Law frameworks.
This contextual adaptation is undertaken as we understand
exploitation to be a violation of labour and criminal law, so
for many sectors of work, the national labour law has a
significant impact on legal definitions of vulnerability. We
provide different vulnerability summary options based on
the FLRs different requirements. Figure 2(e) illustrates the
interface used by NGOs / CSOs, highlighting indicators of
exploitation that were identified in the interview process.
Figure 2(f) shows the interface used for state actors, aligning
indicators to follow up steps that they can take. Throughout
the interview process, no personally identifiable information
is collected from workers, to ensure that their privacy and
anonymity are maintained.
      </p>
      <p>Once interview responses have been uploaded (when
network connectivity is available), FLRs and key personnel
within their organization can access and analyze anonymous
interview responses. These interview logs in themself can
be a tool for policymakers to develop a nuanced
understanding of the sector specific and evolving practices
of exploiters. Reported practices of exploitation can be
analysed by sector of work, location, language of interview
and time, to support the development of evidence
basedpolicy, which in turn can support the prevention of future
trafficking situations by ensuring effective law enforcement
and protection practices.</p>
      <sec id="sec-2-1">
        <title>Discussion and Conclusion</title>
        <p>Apprise has been used in the field by frontline responders in
Thailand (fishing, seafood processing, sex work), and across
Asia-Pacific within supply chains of multinational
corporations (manufacturing) since March 2018. This
section draws together our findings, presenting key lessons
that we learned that would be applicable to consider across
many different humanitarian relief settings.</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-2-2">
        <title>Who defines ‘good’ in AI for social good</title>
        <p>Like many ‘wicked problems’, labour exploitation and
human trafficking are complex stories involving many
characters, few of whom can be stereotyped as ‘all good’ or
‘all bad’. Different factors push and pull different actors to
undertake actions that they would otherwise not consider
under different circumstances. Care must be paid when
designing systems to support triage of cases, to understand
if this support is in the best interests of the recipients of the
service.</p>
        <p>
          This point can be most easily described with reference to
our research with sex workers in Thailand. We initially
began our study working with state actors, being asked to
support them to build their screening capacity. We soon
realized that due to widely reported corruption within
traditional justice channels
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">(Achakulwisut 2018)</xref>
          , workers
themselves did not believe that supporting the state’s ability
to assess their working conditions was ‘for social good’.
One sex worker organization described the result of recent
police involvement in a case of sexual exploitation within
their sex worker community:
35 people were put in jail. And then some … were
deported out of the country. They are the ones who are
exploited, they need to be the ones who get help, not to be
exploited by the government again
At the same time, sex worker organizations also spoke of
‘vigilante NGOs’ who advertise their work with pictures of
armed FLRs who are going to ‘save’ workers. Once
‘rescued’ some NGOs provide training services to these
workers, to help them transition to a new profession. Sex
workers often described that the handicraft skills that they
are taught do not provide a livable income, putting them in
more precarious positions after ‘rescue’. Instead, the sex
worker led organizations that we interviewed suggested that
triage tools could allow them to support their own
communities, understanding the needs of their peers, and in
some cases providing access to alternate forms of justice:
there are … communities where people are being
exploited and so we want to familiarize ourselves with
that too, so that we can help identify potential victims and
also when we're doing our outreach and training and life
skills we can help more people about tactics that might be
used on them … [to] help prevent exploitation.
        </p>
        <p>Building on this and stemming from the final question in
each question list which asks if workers would like help to
leave their work situation, sex worker organizations
emphasized that technologies such as Apprise could only be
useful if they enhanced their agency. Ultimately, they were
interested in using Apprise if it could support them to
enhance their understanding of the vulnerability of their
work situation, rather than to choose for them what a ‘good’
outcome would be for someone who faces exploitation. One
sex work described this further, saying that if the application
indicates that she is in a vulnerable situation, but she is
willing to stay, “would you respect my decision?”. This
highlights the important concept of supporting the workers’
own agency, enabling them to override the suggestion that
is provided by the expert system.</p>
        <p>This example has illustrated several very different ideas
of the ‘social good’ that triage tools could support within
this one sector. This explicit understanding of the social
good that our systems seek to support is fundamental to the
use of AI, especially within humanitarian relief and
development.</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-2-3">
        <title>Grounding in human rights</title>
        <p>After calls in the previous section to consider the very
different understandings of ‘social good’ that exist within a
particular context, the question becomes how to determine
the impact that a system may have on stakeholders.</p>
        <p>
          In previous work we have called for the use of
international legal frameworks such as the International Bill
of Human Rights to assess the potential human rights
impacts of AI systems prior to rollout (and preferably
development) of a system
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref23">(Thinyane and Sassetti 2020)</xref>
          .
This approach is a significant change from ethics
frameworks which are often non-legally binding and
developed to serve the best interests of the select minority
who created them
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref19">(Raso et al. 2018)</xref>
          . Legal frameworks
such as the International Bill of Human Rights (which itself
is composed of Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural
Rights, and International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights) were developed through transparent and legitimate
processes, and have become the foundation of many human
rights declarations, conventions, bills, and constitutional
provisions.
        </p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-2-4">
        <title>Broadening participation</title>
        <p>Within our work, we undertook a year-long consultative
process to understand what exploitation looked like in
different sectors. In formal work, labour law can be used as
a basis for what is legal, and then by extension, what is
exploitative and illegal. However, we also understood that
law is slow moving and does not reflect the rapid changes
and current practices of exploitation that can be experienced
in the field. In our work in the fishing sector, we met with
state actors, but also IGOs, CSOs, NGOs, survivors of
exploitation, and vulnerable workers, to understand how
people are currently being exploited. These findings
informed what we referred to as proxy indicators for
sectorspecific laws, which we then codified to form the expertise
(or knowledge base) within the expert system.</p>
        <p>In informal work, we again used these broad consultative
processes to understand what exploitation looks like to
workers within the sector. While not codified in the same
way as formal work, there is often an understanding within
the community of what acceptable labour conditions are.
When using AI in humanitarian relief and development, we
recommend this broad perspective and recognition of
expertise.</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-2-5">
        <title>Amplification of intent</title>
        <p>
          Our final recommendation in this paper draws from Agre’s
assertion that digital technology in itself is neither a positive
or negative force, but at best will be used to amplify the
intentions of those that use it
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref3">(Agre 2002)</xref>
          . Building on this,
Toyama explains that “People have intent and capacity,
while technology is merely a tool that multiplies human
capacity in the direction of human intent”
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref25">(Toyama 2011,
77)</xref>
          .
        </p>
        <p>Drawing from our experience with auditors in supply
chains, we understand that we work with brands and
corporate social responsibility experts that are inherently
motivated to make positive change in the labour conditions
of workers in their supply chains. In these cases, they aim
to use Apprise to identify any exploitative conditions in
order to address then and provide remediation. In other
cases, the same technology could be used to provide
inaccurate information about conditions of work.
Employers could coerce workers to provide inaccurate
responses to screening questions. Or workers themselves
could try to use the interview to make false reports about the
conditions of their work.</p>
        <p>Within humanitarian relief and development contexts, it
is important to remember that digital technology (and in this
case, specifically AI systems) will not bring about systemic
change in and of themselves. Any initiative must be
supporting by robust transparency and accountability
structures, to ensure that it is being used for the purposes for
which it is intended. In the case of expert screening tools
such as Apprise, this could include standard operating
procedures detailing actions to be taken when a case is
identified as showing vulnerability, as well as broader
accountability to external parties.</p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>Conclusion</title>
      <p>This paper has presented insights derived from our four year
engagement in Thailand and other countries within Asia
Pacific, innovating and inventing technologies to support
FLRs to screen workers in vulnerable situations. It
described our system, Apprise that we developed and that
has been used in the field to identify exploitation with
fishing, seafood processing, manufacturing, and sex work.
The paper draws key recommendations for researchers,
academics, and program officers who are interested in using
AI within humanitarian relief and development. First, by
reflecting on the complex nature of problems that we see in
humanitarian relief and development, the paper suggests
that stakeholders take a step backwards, to reflect on who
defines what ‘good’ is in AI for social good. Next, the paper
suggests using key international frameworks such as
International Bill of Human Rights, to identify the impact
that an AI system would have in complex environments.
The paper then suggests that for expert systems, a broad
consultative process could be used when codifying the
knowledge base, recognizing expertise from diverse actors.
Finally, recognizing that technology is neither positive or
negative, but can be used to amplify user’s original intent,
this paper calls for comprehensive accountability structures
as well as standard operating procedures to inform FLRs
follow-up actions.</p>
    </sec>
  </body>
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