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      <title-group>
        <article-title>Combating Inaccurate Information on Social Media? Invited Talk - Extended Abstract</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Mohsen Mosleh</string-name>
          <email>mmosleh@mit.edu</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>University of Exeter Business School Department of Science, Innovation, Technology, and Entrepreneurship Sloan School of Management Massachusetts Institute of Technology</institution>
          ,
          <country country="US">United States</country>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <abstract>
        <p>There has been a great deal of concern currently about negative societal impacts of social media and the potential threats social media poses to society and democracy [5, 2]. One main area of concern is in terms of the prevalence of fundamentally low quality information and the potential of social media to facilitate the spread of misinformation and fake news. In my talk, I discuss a series of our studies that provide a potential solution that can be implemented by social media platforms at large scale to combat spread of misinformation. First, I discuss studies examining the spread of misinformation on Twitter. I begin by describing a hybrid lab- eld study in which I investigate the relationship between individual di erences in cognitive re ection and behavior on Twitter in a sample of N = 1,901 users [3]. In doing so, I use the lens of cognitive science considering people decision making arising from two di erent modes of information processing: i ) they may stop and carefully think about the piece of information they receive or ii ) they just rely on their intuition and guts responses. We expect people who rely more versus less on analytical thinking demonstrate di erent behavior on social media platforms. To measure the extent to which one replies on intuitive gut responses versus careful thinking, I used the Cognitive Re ection Test (CRT) which is a set of questions with intuitively compelling but wrong answers. For example, "if you are running a race and you pass the person in second place what place are you in?" The intuitive answer that comes to mind for many people is rst place, however, this is not the correct answer. If you pass the person in second place, you will end up being in second place. Questions of this type, captures the extent to which one says the rst thing comes to mind versus stopping to think carefully before saying something. To investigate the relationship between cognitive style and online behavior, I devised a hybrid lab- eld study. In a survey study, I asked subjects to do the Cognitive Re ection Test { and also asked them to provide their Twitter handles. I used the subjects' Twitter handles to retrieve information from their public</p>
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      <title>-</title>
      <p>Mosleh
pro le on Twitter including general account information, accounts followed, and
the content of their tweets. Analyzing this hybrid data set of users' CRTs
(cognitive style) and their digital ngerprints using natural language processing and
network science methods, I show people who give more wrong answers to the
CRT are less discerning in their social media use: they follow more questionable
accounts, share lower quality content from less reliable sources, and tweet about
less weighty subjects (e.g., less politics). Together, these results paint a fairly
consistent picture: People who engage in less cognitive re ection are more likely
to consume and share low quality content.</p>
      <p>
        Building o the above observation, I discuss a subtle behavioral intervention
we developed to make users think before they make sharing decisions on social
media [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">4</xref>
        ]. We direct messaged N =5,379 Twitter users who had previously shared
links to misinformation websites (in particular they shared content from
hyperpartisan and low quality websites Breitbart and Infowars), and asked them to
rate the accuracy of a single non-political headline - therefore making the
concept of accuracy more top of mind for them, such that they would be more
likely to think about accuracy when they went back to their news feed. To allow
for causal inference, we used a stepped-wedge (randomized roll-out) design in
which users were randomly assigned to a date on which to receive the treatment
message. Within each 24-hour time-window, we then compared the links shared
by users who received the treatment message at the beginning of that time
window to the links shared by all the users who had not yet been messaged (who
thereby represented the control condition). To quantify the quality of content
shared by the users, we used a list of 60 domains (20 mainstreams, 20
hyperpartisan, and 20 fake news websites) where for each domain we had a quality
score between 0 and 1 provided by 8 professional fact-checkers. As predicted, we
nd that the intervention leads to signi cant increase in the average quality of
news sites shared. After receiving the message, users share proportionally more
links to high-quality mainstream news outlets and proportionally fewer links to
hyper-partisan low-quality news outlets as rated by professional fact-checkers.
Given the complexity of the experimental design and tweet data, there are a
multitude of reasonable approaches for assessing whether our intervention
successfully increased the quality of news sharing. Thus, we computed e ect size
estimates using 198 di erent analysis approaches. Considering the analyses in
aggregate provides strong evidence that, indeed, the accuracy message
significantly increased the average quality of news sources subsequently shared by
the users in our experiment. For the large majority of analytic approaches, the
increase is statistically signi cant.
      </p>
      <p>
        Finally, I talk about a follow-up study where instead of a subtle accuracy
nudge through a private message to users, we publicly corrected those who
shared misinformation on Twitter [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">1</xref>
        ]. We identi ed N =2,000 users who shared
false political news on Twitter, and replied to their false tweets with links to
fact-checking websites. Unlike our subtle accuracy nudge intervention, we nd
causal evidence that being corrected decreases the quality, and increases the
partisan slant and language toxicity, of the users' subsequent retweets (but has
no signi cant e ect on primary tweets). This suggests that being publicly
corrected by another user shifts one's attention away from accuracy - presenting an
important challenge for social correction approaches.
      </p>
      <p>Our experimental designs translates directly into an intervention that social
media companies could deploy at scale to ght misinformation online.</p>
    </sec>
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