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  <front>
    <journal-meta>
      <journal-title-group>
        <journal-title>LHT.</journal-title>
      </journal-title-group>
    </journal-meta>
    <article-meta>
      <article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.5771/0943-7444-2019-7-558</article-id>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Linked Archives in the Islamic Republic of Iran and Access Restrictions to Records: An Archival Science Outlook*</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <pub-date>
        <year>2000</year>
      </pub-date>
      <volume>18</volume>
      <issue>89</issue>
      <fpage>24</fpage>
      <lpage>37</lpage>
      <abstract>
        <p>This paper presents some preliminary findings of a study on the online databases developed since the 2010s by the heritage and research institutions of the Islamic Republic of Iran with the aim of making publicly available an extensive number of digital surrogates of archival records.</p>
      </abstract>
      <kwd-group>
        <kwd>Iran</kwd>
        <kwd>access restrictions to archives</kwd>
        <kwd>digital technology</kwd>
        <kwd>control of knowledge</kwd>
        <kwd>official history</kwd>
      </kwd-group>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>Introduction</title>
      <p>
        Does a forty-year time frame represent an appropriate length of time for State and
society to come to terms with the trauma of violence which involved a radical change
in political and ideological structures? More than forty years after the Iranian
Revolution (1979), the regime that came to power in the country is still alive, and so are the
memories of the post-revolutionary massacres [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">1</xref>
        ]. Multiple actors inside and outside
of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) are involved today in the competing
interpretations of a contested past, bound up with conflicts of collective memories and
individ. The state-sanctioned denial, approval
and justification of violence are confronted with calls for awareness on the reality of
oppression and for a lasting change of the political culture based on cruelty and
physical elimination of suspects and real opponents.
      </p>
      <p>Archival records are the fundamental issue in these claims to establish the truth .
The original archives are not easily accessible in the IRI. Documents regarding the
revolutionary replacement of the Pahlavi rule with an Islamic republic under the rule
of Ayatollah Khomeini coherently fall under the category because
they contain since significant
rchival data were made publicly available by the heritage and research institutions
of the IRI in the last decade. This unprecedented mobilization of the past provides
insight into the Iranian history and international relations in the 20th century. Based on
an extensive number of digital surrogates of archival records and oral history sources,
the ever-growing online databases form a network providing immense volumes of
______________
* Copyright 2021 for this paper by its authors. Use permitted under Creative Commons License Attribution 4.0</p>
      <p>International (CC BY 4.0).
information in open access. As part of the memorialization process, they also intend
to provide authoritative knowledge of the past and serve as a tool to assert the
political legacy of the 1979 Islamic revolution. Sometimes, this digital material is used as
historical source by Iranian and International scholars working on Iran, often without
critical assessment of the conditions of creation of the original archival records and
distribution of their digital surrogates. However, the question is how to ensure a
quality control on this historical data in terms of trustworthiness.</p>
      <p>
        Recently, a nuanced body of critical works on archives in the Middle East has
discussed the actors, documentation practices, and archiving initiatives in relation to the
construction of identities, political powers, States and their ideological foundations
[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">2</xref>
        ]. However, a historical perspective on archives in Iran remains outside the scope of
the critical debate, particularly with regard to access and dissemination practices
engendered by modern digital technologies [3]. Yet, this is a crucial issue. The online
release of archives in the IRI, considered in relation to the problem of openness of the
original archives, leads to a need for in-depth thinking on the sources available for
professional communities and civil society to participate in debates on religious,
philosophical, political and ideological lines, on which are based the revolutionary and
political Islam. Indeed, careful thought should be given to what and why is released
and, what is harder to find, what and why is not released.
      </p>
      <p>
        This paper presents a part of the ongoing OFF-SITE research project, conducting
an off-site ethnography of post-revolution Iran [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref3">4</xref>
        ]. Following the conceptual
paradigm of Agnotology as the study of ignorance [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">5</xref>
        ], and theoretical and methodological
discussions conducted by the experts on archival science [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">6</xref>
        ], I examine the online
archival databases on contemporary history (târikh- ser) developed in the IRI
with regard to the issues of authenticity, integrity, traceability, and, consequently,
credibility of the archives and, more broadly, historical sources in a digital
environment [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6">7</xref>
        ] in the so- - 8]. The analysis is based on 7
(seven) out of 14 (fourteen) databases identified so far. With reference to the domain
name FF-SITE
How do these databases relate to each other and to State institutions? What are their
relation to archival theory? How transparent are the digital processing of archival
records? How and which conceptual frame of reference do they provide for the
understanding of the past? I try to understand these issues in a historical perspective, with
regard to the foundation of the Iranian archival system since the 1950s, also referring
to studies on political, social and moral economy of the 1979 revolution [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">9</xref>
        ], writing
of history in Iran [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">10</xref>
        ], and control on Internet in the IRI [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">11</xref>
        ].
      </p>
      <p>First of all, the be put in the context of access
restrictions to original archival records. Below are some reference points.
2</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>Restrictions on Access to Records in Iran: A Regime of</title>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>Inflexible and Unrestricted State Secrecy</title>
      <p>
        In May 1970 (Ordibehesht 1349), a law inaugurated the Iran National Archives
Organization as a new tool to assist the Iranian state operating under the Pahlavi rule
in solidifying its sovereignty and political legitimacy through centralization and
perpetuation of its own documentary traces [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">12</xref>
        ]. Indeed, the archives being subject to
codified law were
      </p>
      <p>
        [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">13</xref>
        ]. Thus, the basic archival law in Iran asserted that only the
documents of the governmental bodies and government-affiliated agencies had to be
considered as being of national importance. It also implemented the concept of
archives as a confined space to be controlled by the State. Some parallels can be drawn
with the state-centeredness of the modern European national archives: their access,
initially reserved for state administrators and jurists, was progressively broadened
over the course of the nineteenth century [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">14</xref>
        ]. The 1970 Iranian archival law
introduced the issue of access restrictions as far too broad, implying an unduly wide
leeway. There was only passing mention
, without further definition [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14">15</xref>
        ].
      </p>
      <p>
        A 40-year limit was introduced for the storage of all records in the relevant
governmental bodies and agencies [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">16</xref>
        ]. During this period, records could be made available
only for competent legal authorities. What would happen after the expiry of the
40year period remained particularly unclear. The 1970 law was implying that,
potentially, after 40 years a special announcement of the relevant governmental body, or a
special decision of the Iran [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16">17</xref>
        ] might be
required to definitive remove access restrictions [18]. Specific circumstances,
categories or thematic clusters of documents, that might permit the period of access
restrictions to be extended, were not specified [19].
      </p>
      <p>The vagueness around the issue of access restrictions in the 1970 law became the
major guiding principle for further regulations before and after the 1979 revolution.
Two acts ratified in 1975 [20] specified two categories of sensitive government
documents, namely 21] an 22]. Yet, there was still a large
margin of uncertainty. The government bodies were left to decide about the degree of
sensitivity of the document, and to assess when to remove it from the
categories. No time limits, even approximate, were considered as if the
to become
publicly accountable and publicly owned. The acts retained a regime of total and
permanent secrecy.</p>
      <p>Very quickly, the political regime established in 1979 paid particular attention to
archives. A bylaw was passed in summer 1983 (Tir 1362). Still lacking clarity and
transparency, it stated that records
the 40-year period [23]. However, the following-up of records after the expiry of the
stipulated period remained in a state of uncertainty and unpredictability.</p>
      <p>
        The current state of access to information, which leads directly to the phenomenon
of Iranian Linked Archives databases, is the Publication and Free Access to
Information Act ratified in January 2009 (Bahman 1387) [24], with some clauses clarified
by further bylaws [25]. These regulations are intended to ensure the right of access to
information in the IRI. Nevertheless, consciously or not, many provisions, concepts,
and procedures still remain unclear, undefined, and unaddressed, thus significantly
reducing their effectiveness [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref17">26</xref>
        ].
mation are not addressed in the 2009 Act. This would require further consideration.
Only a few remarks may be provided in this paper. Like the Laws on Right to
Information adopted in other countries, the Iranian 2009 Act does logically prohibit access
to several categories of information. Apart from sensitive information related to
privacy protection, medical secrets, and commercial interests [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref18">27</xref>
        ], classified government
secrets, information that can compromise public security and comfort, or prevention
and detection of crimes [28] are also listed. Yet, the 2009 Act does not mention any
mean to request a special exemption or waiver for individuals who
authority 29]. Nor does it make any specific provision for requirements to remove
confidential information (be it a single line or a word) from a document in order to
make it available to the public. A culture of undisputed secrecy seems to prevail,
perhaps also because the commission responsible for the application of the 2009 Act is
housed at the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance [30], known for limiting
access to information.
      </p>
      <p>The 2009 Act required the public and private institutions to make the
nonclassified information publicly available in digital format through Internet resources
[31]. This clearly is what renewed the impetus for technological modernity at the
heritage and research institutions in the IRI, leading namely to the massive creation of</p>
      <p>I will further discuss. This digital exercise follows the pattern of the
writing of history through the publications of primary historical documents which, as
K.S. Aghaie notes, have proliferated in the post-revolutionary Islamist historiography
[32]. In fact, I would argue that the online archival databases are intended to become
today the main publicly and easily available historical source material in the IRI,
threatening to replace definitely the original archives. Indeed, the 2009 Act prohibits
forcing the disseminators of information to disclose their sources [33]. Thus,
paradoxically enough, the Act, which promotes the publicity of information, also offers the
means to make original archives permanently inaccessible. Besides, since only the
rights of access to information of natural persons of Iranian citizenship and of Iranian
legal entities are discussed in the 2009 Act and bylaws, the non-Iranians risk facing
additional barriers to historical records kept in the Iranian repositories.
3</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>Creators of</title>
      <p>The institutional framework of is the most visible. It is an extensive
network of private and public institutions
dominant activity (archive centre, library, museum, historical society, research
institute or team) is always supplemented by no less important functions of, respectively,
collecting records or books, conducting oral history interviews and doing research.
The institutions being particularly active in the networked digital dissemination of
archival material were established after the 1979 Islamic revolution under the
Khomeini years in Iran (1979-1989) [34], or after [35]. They were
created for the purpose of (re)writing the history of the nineteenth- and twentieth-century
Iran [36], in order to bring historical, political and social studies in line with
ideological frames of revolutionary and political Islam. Moreover, some of them have
recovered the archival holdings of pre-revolutionary institutions, or documents
requisitioned from the political and economic elite of the Pahlavi regime. Today, these
institutions refer to each other and form a powerful network, which falls under the
authority of the High Council of the Cultural Revolution, formed in 1984 in continuation of
the Cultural Revolution (1980-1983) [37].</p>
      <p>
        While the institutional settings for the implementation of are clear, it
is very difficult to identify the individuals who manage information content. The
Iranian Linked Archives stand out as an impersonal corporate structure, without any
personified authorities, and very little or no indication on the division of labor and
individual accountabilities. Some databases do not mention the people in charge for
their conception, for the selection of archival records digitized and put online, for the
organization of digital surrogates, and for the creation of contextual metadata
information [38]. Others provide haphazardly the names of those responsible for the
content of specific sections [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref19">39</xref>
        ]. It appears that different people are involved in the
management of digital content. However, no details are provided about the places of
employment, duties or functions of the individuals mentioned. The search for additional
information online, through social networks or other resources about the institution
concerned, is laborious and does not always help.
      </p>
      <p>
        Finally, the Iranian Linked Archives network does not seem to include the users.
Spaces for public participation are regularly provided in template forms available at
the bottom of the Web pages with digital surrogates [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref20">40</xref>
        ]. However, no trace of
interactive communication with wide audience is displayed.
      </p>
      <p>The 41], maintained by the heritage and
research institutions of the IRI, also raises concerns regarding the quality or, more aptly
put, trustworthiness of the raw research data that is made available online.
4</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-5">
      <title>Neither Traced nor Traceable: Random Pieces of the Past with Lost Contextual Identity</title>
      <p>
        The goal of the online disclosure of archival material is ambiguously formulated.
The institutions responsible for the databases refer to the dissemination of historical
sources in order to create a favourable environment for research [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref22">42</xref>
        ]. Some
mention however information warfare [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref23">43</xref>
        ]. The vocabulary of war used in this case to
define the writing of history and the digital dissemination of archival documents
clearly indicates its use as a political and ideological weapon. It takes place within a
stronger strategic framework outlined in 2012 by a senior Iranian Islamic
Revolutionary Guard Corps official, stating that a war in cyberspace was more dangerous than a
physical war [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref24">44</xref>
        ]. The ring together an enormous mass of
heterogeneous materials in the form of digitized copies and born digital transcripts: personal and
official correspondence, financial documentation, memorandums on political
gatherings, inventories of property, obituaries, personal daily notes, photos, declarations, old
maps, press clippings, etc. This diversity is remarkable, but raises concerns, since, as
was pointed out, the notion of
[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref25">45</xref>
        ]. Several key observations are to be made.
      </p>
      <p>
        Following the line that transparency is a way to allow objectivity in the disordered
digital environment [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref26">46</xref>
        ], the first thing to note is the almost total absence of any
methodological statement underpinning the online release of digital surrogates.
Multiple transitory decisions and discussions on the criteria used to select archival records
and to group their digital surrogates online tend to b lacking openness
of process. Digital surrogates may be accessed through thematic collections focused
on individual, event, custom or issue [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref27">47</xref>
        ], or groups formed upon random association
of documents [48]. Photographs often form groups separated from textual archival
records [49]. Metadata associated with a group of digital surrogates or a single digital
surrogate provides no
      </p>
      <p>the archival holdings as a whole and of the records from which the
digital content originated [51]. No contextual elements allow tracing the pathways
and functions of the records in the work of administrations and officials at the time of
their creation. A highly variable and confusing mixture of public and private areas,
and of social, economic and political fields in digital collections is alarming. One
collection can be made of digital surrogates dealing with a broad chronological span,
and addressing issues from the fields of politics, public education, health, taxes,
popular uprisings, trade or prisons. It can include correspondence from people being in
different occupations or from different societal groupings [52]. This suggests that
digital curators do not see a problem in generating the content of one collection from
the records deriving from the activities of different bodies or individuals, thus
violating and distorting the evidential value inherent in the organic interrelationships that
originally existed between records, human agents, their activities and the functions
they were holding while creating records [53].</p>
      <p>Thus, the conceptual model implemented in is based on the idea of
archival record as an isolated, decontextualized item, in which only text content is
taken as evidence, without any consideration of the associated contexts to provide
insight into the processes, purposes, and activities that led to the creation of records
[54]. Such a content-based approach does not allow any latitude in interpretation
when one seeks to use digital surrogates as historical sources. Neither may one
produce any causality analysis, nor is it possible to guarantee the integrity and reliability
of the information contained in digital surrogates. Moreover, digitized copies become
integrated in a strong conceptual basis. Some ideas are briefly articulated below.
5</p>
      <p>: Conceptual Framework for Understanding the</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-6">
      <title>Contemporary History</title>
      <p>Some contributors to the Iranian archival databases criticize
atti, being , tends to produce an</p>
      <p>]. Bringing to the forefront digitized copies of archival
material, they claim to produce an impartial, evidence-based data about the past.
Yet, a closer look reveals quite clearly a strong conceptual frame built upon the
following thematic lines: 1. The leading revolutionary and political
force, and the only one which better reflects (and therefore protects) Iran national
he foreign, especially Western evil influences competing for
domination at Iran and aimed at destroying its culture. 3. The pre-revolutionary corrupt
economic and political elite, especially that of the Pahlavi dynasty, supporting foreign
evil influences because of money and privileges
which is an undifferentiated and undefined category, subliminally associated to those
.</p>
      <p>These themes are in line with e Houchang
[56], and fit in with the ideas about the past emerged after 1979
under the influence of new ideological references established by Ayatollah Khomeini
and his clerical followers, namely the concept of velayat-e faqih [57]. A nuanced
analysis is required. These major themes are interlinked and completing each other.
They are introduced, for example, through the massive posting online of a certain type
of records, namely financial documentation and lists of properties and jewelry of the
Pahlavi dynasty [58]; or through highlighting a particular social group, namely Shia
clergy which is often discussed in relation to the protest
movement before 1979 [59]; or else through the powerful visual images transmitting
signals about the individuals concerned [60].
(brief introductory notices, analytical articles, transcripts of testimonies and
interviews) strengthens the baseline for understanding digital copies of archival material.
I o categorize individuals through honorary titles ( great ,
servant , popular , martyr great life ) or through remarks diminishing their
value. While little digital copies relate to the 1980s, the 1979 revolution is extremely
present. In fact, this is a major methodological problem.
actively through the revolution as the culminating point and the logical outcome, thus
, and
eliminating those who do not fit with this representation models.
6</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-7">
      <title>Conclusion</title>
      <p>Lacking transparency and openness of process, the online archival databases
maintained by the heritage and research institutions of the IRI remain a subjective exercise.
Contexts in which the original records were created, their primary functions and
evolution of their life cycle are not documented and left unconsidered. The role of human
agents in assembling digital surrogates together emerges as the major determinant of
the categories on which the digital collections are created. This suggests selectivity,
which involves privileging of some issues and interpretations over others. Indeed, the
b interpreting public
out to be very hazy. Archival documents are removed from repositories and brought
created environment, where the interpretations of the past are constructed through the
emotional and imagin
, which relies on the
ideological references of today and extremely simplifies causalities and processes of
the past.
and history of Iran proposed by the Ministry of Science and Education. See the 1970
archive law. Article 4.
18. The 1970 archive law. Article 6.
19. There was only one exception. However, it has not addressed the lack of clarity on a
disclosure procedure to be implemented after 40 years, and provided an extra layer of secrecy.
The Ministry of War has been excluded from the provisions of the 1970 archive law
(Article 8). Its records should be managed at the discretion of the competent body formed by
the Ministry. Thus, the law made the military records more secretive. Thus, the military
secrets have been given a special place within the state secrecy issues.
20. Penal Code on disclosure and release of confidential and secret government information
[Qânun-e Majâzât-e Enteshâr va Afshâye Asnâd-e Mehrmâneh va Sari-e Dolati], ratified
on February 1975 (Bahman 1353). Text of Law, https://rc.majlis.ir/fa/law/show/97196, last
accessed 2021/06/16. Bylaw on safeguarding secret and confidential government
documents endorsed on December 1975 (Dey 1354). See an unofficial English translation in
Article 19: Iran: Review of the Publication and Free Access to Information Act 2009.
Legal analysis, p. 52 (2017). Text of analysis,
https://www.article19.org/resources/iranreview-of-the-publication-and-free-access-to-information-act-2009-2/, last accessed
2021/06/16.
21. Whose disclosure was against the interests of the state, with two sub-levels of the unlawful
disclosure that would cause irreparable damage, first, to the foundation of the government
and the bedrock of the regime, and, second, to public interest and national security.
22. Whose disclosure was against special administrative interests of the government bodies,
also including two sub-levels of the unlawful disclosure that would, first, disrupt the
orderly functioning of the bodies, and, second, cause internal turmoil in the bodies.
23. Azizi, Q.: Âzâd-e Sâzi va Dastresi be Asnâd [Public Release and Access to Documents].</p>
      <p>Faslnâme-ye Ârshiv-e Melli [National Archives Quarterly] 4, 6 (1394/2015).
24. [Qânun-e Enteshâr va Dastresi t]. Text of Law,</p>
      <p>https://rc.majlis.ir/fa/law/show/780303, last accessed 2021/06/16.
25. Namely, the bylaws adopted in July 2015 (Mordad 1394), September 2015 (Shahrivar
1394), May 2018 (Khordad 1397) and April 2020 (Farvardin 1399). Text of Bylaws,
https://rc.majlis.ir/fa/law/show/937940, https://rc.majlis.ir/fa/law/show/935407,
https://rc.majlis.ir/fa/law/show/1150862, https://rc.majlis.ir/fa/law/show/1528486, last
accessed 2021/06/16.</p>
      <p>Interestingly enough, the bylaw adopted in November 2014 (Azar 1393) refers to the acts
regarding
ernment in 1975 (Article 1, d). See English translation of the 2014 bylaw in Article 19:
Iran: Review of the Publication and Free Access to Information Act 2009. Legal analysis,
pp. 44-47 (2017). Text of analysis,
https://www.article19.org/resources/iran-review-of-thepublication-and-free-access-to-information-act-2009-2/, last accessed 2021/06/16.
the time limits regarding the removal of secrecy and confidentiality of the government
documents, no regulations were made on this point before the 1979 revolution. Also, the
legislation on access to documents in I.R. Iran is appeared to be a continuation of the
28. The 2009 Free Access to Information Act. Articles 13 and 17.
29. According to the 2009 Act (Article 13), accessing classified information would be subject
to specific laws. Though to date, there are still no bylaws regulating time limits and
exceptions.
30. The 2009 Free Access to Information Act. Article 18.
31. The 2009 Free Access to Information Act. Article 5.
32. Aghaie, K.S.: Islamist Historiography in Post-Revolutionary Iran. In: Atabaki, T. (ed.):
Iran in the 20th century: Historiography and Political Culture, p. 259. 1st ed. I.B. Tauris &amp;
Co Ltd, Iran Heritage Foundation, London, New York (2009). See also one of the first
reviews of the phenomenon of publication of document collections in the IRI since the 1979
revolution: Ettehadieh (Nezam Mafi), M., Bayat, K.: The Reza Shah Period: Document
Collections Recently Published in Iran. Iranian Studies 26(3/4), 419-428 (1993). DOI:
10.1080/00210869308701813.
33. The 2009 Free Access to Information Act. Article 4. Confirmed by the 2015 bylaw. Article
5.
34. Thus, the Islamic Revolution Documents Center (IRDC) was established in 1981 with the
aim to write the history of Islamic Revolution and to gather documents and memoires of
the revolutionary movement. IRDC Homepage, http://www.irdc.ir/, last accessed
2021/06/16.</p>
      <p>The Institute for Iranian Contemporary Historical Studies (IICHS) finds its origin in 1986,
when the heir of the Pahlavi Foundation, the Mostazafan Foundation, created the Institute
for Cultural Research and Studies with the aim to keep the documents requisitioned and
used during political trials. IICHS Homepage, http://www.iichs.ir/, last accessed
2021/06/16.</p>
      <p>The Political Studies and Research Institute (PSRI) was created in 1988 by a group of
volunteers willing of the Iranian history. PSRI Homepage,
http://irpsri.com/, last accessed 2021/06/16.
35. The Center of Historical Documents Survey (CHDS) was established in 1993 on the basis
of , known as SAVAK, and kept by
the Ministry of Intelligence of the Islamic Republic. CHDS Homepage,
http://historydocuments.ir/, last accessed 2021/06/16.</p>
      <p>The Islamic Revolution Information Center (IRIC) was established in 2013 by the Islamic
Revolution Literature Office, created in 1993. IRIC Homepage, http://22bahman.ir, last
accessed 2021/06/16.</p>
      <p>The History Research Foundation of Iran (HRFI) started to work in 2003. HRFI
Homepage, http://bonyadtarikhbook.ir, last accessed 2021/06/16.
36. Chehabi, H.E.: The Paranoid Style in Iranian Historiography. In: Atabaki, T. (ed.): Iran in
the 20th century: Historiography and Political Culture, p. 165. 1st ed. I.B. Tauris &amp; Co Ltd,
Iran Heritage Foundation, London, New York (2009).
37. For reference see Tajmazinani, A.: From Cultural Revolution to Cultural Engineering:
Cultural Policy Post-Revolutionary Iran. 1st ed. Routledge, London (2017). Fazeli, N.: Politics
of Culture in Iran: Anthropology, Politics and Society in the Twentieth Century. 1st ed.
Routledge, New York (2006). I thank one of my team colleagues working on Cultural
Revolution in Iran for pointing out these studies.
38. Thus, the database of the CHDS, an authoritative institution responsible for the historical
intelligence records, does not provide any information on the individuals involved in its
administration.
lected archival documents: collection of the SAVAK documents on the ideas and activities
of Jalal Al-e Ahmad (1923-1969), an Iranian thinker and writer who produced a critique of
western technology and its influence in Iran,
https://historydocuments.ir/?page=post&amp;id=3379, last accessed 2021/06/27. The CHDS
database provide also a big number of very large thematic coll
are also rendered completely anonymous.</p>
      <p>See example: the first volume of the
Taleghani
(1911</p>
      <p>CHDS database, thematic collections of digitized documents regarding the Shia clerics,
politicians, or Islamic revolution,
https://historydocuments.org/sanad/?page=books&amp;id=&amp;start=1, last accessed 2021/06/20.
48. See examples of collections randomly associating digital surrogates:</p>
      <p>IICHS database,
http://www.iichs.ir/p/Photo.aspx?sid=3&amp;title=%D8%A8%D8%A7%DA%A9%D8%A7%D8%B1%D9%88%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%AA%D8%A7%D8%B1%DB%8C%D8%AE-%D8%B3%D9%86%D8%AF, last
accessed 2021/06/20.</p>
      <p>IRDC database, http://www.irdc.ir/fa/services/5, last accessed 2021/06/20.</p>
      <p>CHDS database, https://historydocuments.ir/?page=documents&amp;id=18, last accessed
2021/06/20.
49. Photograph collections are also organized thematically or randomly. See examples:
IICHS database, numbered photo collection,
http://www.iichs.ir/p/Photo.aspx?sid=4&amp;title=%D8%A8%D8%A7%DA%A9%D8%A7%D8%B1%D9%88%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%AA%D8%A7%D8%B1%DB%8C%D8%AE%D8%AA%D8%B5%D9%88%DB%8C%D8%B1, last accessed 2021/06/20.
IICHS database, thematic photo collections regarding the Shia clerics or figures of the
Islamic revolution recognized as such by the current political regime,
http://www.iichs.ir/p/Photo.aspx?sid=9&amp;title=%D9%86%D9%85%D8%A7%DB%8C%D
8%B4%DA%AF%D8%A7%D9%87-%D8%B9%DA%A9%D8%B3, last accessed
2021/06/20.</p>
      <p>IRDC database, thematic photo collection with regard to the demonstrations of June 5 and
6, 1963, in Iran protesting against the arrest of Ayatollah Khomeini after his denouncement
of several reforms started by the Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and designed to be a way
toward modernization, which was considered by several senior Iranian Shia religious
scholars to be a threat to Islam,
http://www.irdc.ir/fa/news/6889/%D9%82%DB%8C%D8%A7%D9%85-15%D8%AE%D8%B1%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%AF-1342-%D8%A8%D9%87%D8%B1%D9%88%D8%A7%DB%8C%D8%AA%D8%AA%D8%B5%D8%A7%D9%88%DB%8C%D8%B1, last accessed 2021/06/20.
50. Duranti, L.: Whose truth? Records and archives as evidence in the era of post-truth and
disinformation. In: Brown, C. (ed.): Archival Futures, p. 21. 1st ed. Facet Publishing,
London (2018). DOI: 10.29085/9781783302192.003.
51. Neither relevant archival references (titles, reference codes) nor important contextual
elements (information on creators, provenencial context, chain of custody, etc.) are available.
Some databases provide . IICHS database, http://www.iichs.ir/s/14019,
last accessed 2021/06/20. Move the mouse pointer over the JPEG files to display small
acThis is not a
general practice, and it comes up with more questions than answers. The compositions
little in common, and their meaning is unclear, also because the
archival finding aids regarding physical archival holdings are never supplied.
52. The following collection in the IICHS database is a telling example: Collection 43,
http://www.iichs.ir/s/5818, last accessed 2021/06/28. It contains, first, several documents
relating to the Persian constitution of 1906, created under Mozaffar al-Din Shah Qajar
(1896-1907) and abolished by Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar (1907-1909), with the
subsequent dissolution of the National Consultative Assembly (Majles). A statement of protest
made by a group of Persian patriots against William Morgan Shuster (1877-1960), an
American lawyer appointed as treasurer-general of Persia by Majles in 1911, falls in some</p>
    </sec>
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