The language of emotion is characterized by its high metaphoricity, which generates various metaphorical and metonymical expressions and thus, might be difficult to interpret and translate. For solving the problem, the corpus-based analysis investigation of large volumes of text data allows us to make clear conclusions about the main metaphorical source domains of the analyzed texts and the specifics of their translation. This paper describes methods of the study of emotion metaphors and their metaphorical source domains. The corpus-based approach is applied to collect English emotion metaphors and their equivalents in the Ukrainian language. The ParaSol, a Parallel Corpus of Slavic and other languages, is used to outline 200 abstracts of fiction that represent metaphors of emotions functioning in the context. Additionally, the main source domains of emotion metaphors both in English and their translation into Ukrainian are compared.
Translation from one language to another might be difficult because of distinctions in the source and target language effected by cultural variations. And one of the most challenging tasks is to translate a metaphor, the figure of speech characterized by the rich diversity across and within culture.
This research paper aimed to examine how emotion metaphors function in English and Ukrainian and what concepts they embed. It is devoted to the study of emotion metaphors translation from English into Ukrainian based on the parallel corpus of fiction.
A language is a powerful tool helping to study people’s emotions and the topicality of our research is determined by the great interest in how different languages represent and express emotional and mental state and our life experience.
The studies of Lakoff and Johnson [
It should be noted that different translation scholars have investigated the topic of metaphor translation, but not many systematize the translation models depending on metaphors’ types.
P. Newmark’s offered his classification of metaphors and proposed range of options for their translation
[
The contrastive analysis of emotion metaphors functioning in English and Ukrainian can also be
found in works of Mykhalchuk and Bihunova [
The importance of the research into a parallel corpus of fiction lies in its social significance and computational aspect of the research. The analysis of large volumes of text data allows us to make clear conclusions about the main metaphorical source domains of the analyzed texts and the specifics of their
2022 Copyright for this paper by its authors.
The object of our research is the emotion metaphors in English fiction and their translation into Ukrainian. The subject of the study is metaphorical source domains and the strategies of translating the emotion metaphors from the English language into Ukrainian.
The purpose of the research is to analyze how the metaphors of emotions can be translated and interpreted in fiction. On the other hand, the relevance of the work is justified by carrying out a corpusbased analysis of fiction, considering emotion metaphors and their translation into Ukrainian.
Objectives of the study are as follows: outline the theoretical foundations of the study of emotion metaphors and their metaphorical source domains; apply a corpus-based approach to collect emotion metaphors and their equivalents in the Ukrainian language; identify key metaphorical source domains of the metaphors; compare main metaphorical source domains of the emotion metaphors in English and their translation into Ukrainian.
The research material consists of parallel corpora search results for basic metaphors of emotion. The total volume of the sample is 200 abstracts of fiction in English and their translation into Ukrainian. The ParaSol, a Parallel Corpus of Slavic and other languages is used.
In our research, we focus on the application of the ParaSol parallel corpora. First, we outline and collect the metaphorical source domains of basic emotion metaphors. Then we analyze differences between emotion metaphors functioning in Ukrainian and British fiction and specifics of their translation. Moreover, we compare main metaphorical source domains of the emotion metaphors. Research methods used: descriptive method, the methods of contrastive analysis and corpus analysis, contextual analysis of the metaphors, semantic analysis, and stylistic analysis.
The novelty of the study lies in applying the methods and tools of corpus linguistics to the translation of the English emotion metaphors and their analysis.
The theoretical importance of the work is seen in expanding corpus-based research on the material of Ukrainian and English translation studies.
The practical significance of the study is the fact that the research materials and results are useful for applications in Contrastive Linguistics (in particular, Stylistics and Semantics), Translation Studies, and Corpus Linguistics, so there is a great need of applying contemporary methods and tools of Corpora Linguistics and even Computational Linguistics to provide the analysis of the metaphors translation.
This paper presents a comparison of metaphorical expressions domains of the emotion language used in British fiction and their translation to Ukrainian.
The language of emotion itself is characterized by its high metaphoricity, which generates various
metaphorical and metonymical expressions. A whole new world of emotional feelings may unfold
before us because emotion language will not be seen as a collection of literal words that categorize and
refer to a preexisting emotional reality, but as a language that can be figurative and that can define and
even create emotional experiences for us. Kövecses says that emotion concepts are composed of several
parts: metaphors, metonymies, related concepts, and cultural models [
In contrast, LeDoux bases claims on an unsatisfactory kind of linguistics, in which emotion language
consists only in literal emotion words, such as fear, anxiety, terror, apprehension, that classify and refer
to a preexisting emotional reality (the brain states and bodily responses). This can only lead to an
oversimplification of the many subtle ways in which emotion and language interact [
Nevertheless, Kövecses explains that we can give up simplistic views of emotional language. Zoltán Kövecses shows us how many emotion concepts reflect widespread metaphorical patterns of thought through detailed cross-linguistic analyses. These emotion metaphors arise from recurring embodied experiences, one reason why human emotions across many cultures conform to certain basic biologicalphysiological processes in the human body and of the body interacting with the external world.
Additionally, Kövecses claims that there are different cultural models for emotions that arise from
unique patterns of both metaphorical and metonymic thinking in varying cultural contexts. The
figurative words and expressions that belong in this group denote various aspects of emotion concepts.
They can be metaphorical and metonymical [
The metaphorical expressions are manifestations of conceptual metaphors in the sense of Lakoff and
Johnson [
Conceptual metaphors bring two distant domains (or concepts) into correspondence with each other. One of the domains is typically more physical or concrete than the other (which is thus more abstract). The correspondence is established to understand the more abstract in terms of the more concrete.
For example, boiling with anger is a linguistic example of the very productive conceptual metaphor
anger is a hot fluid [
Conceptual metonymies, unlike conceptual metaphors, involve a single domain, or concept. The
purpose of metonymy is to provide mental access to a domain through a part of the same domain (or
vice versa) or to a part of a domain through another part in the same domain [
Emotion concepts as wholes are viewed as having many parts, or elements. For instance, one part or element of the domain of anger is to be upset, and one part or element of the domain of fear is an assumed drop in body temperature. Thus, linguistic examples for these two emotion concepts include being upset for anger and having cold feet for fear.
Not only LeDoux, but lots of scholars and linguists dealing with emotion language suggest that this language simply consists of a few words, such as anger, fear, love, and happiness. Of course, speakers of some languages appear to feel that some of the emotion words are more basic than the others. The basic ones include in English those words mentioned above: anger, sadness, fear, happiness(joy), and love. It can be outlined that there are six universal emotions (happiness, anger, fear, sadness, surprise, and disgust) that are accompanied and can be distinguished by universal facial expressions and physiological reactions.
Less basic domains include annoyance, wrath, rage, and indignation for anger and terror, fright, and horror for fear. But there is another group of emotion-related terms.
The concept of happiness is also characterized by several more limited source domains, including
up, light, rapture/high. It seems to have some very specific ones as well, such as an animal that lives
well and pleasurable physical sensation [
Metaphors for sadness were analyzed from a cognitive linguistic perspective by Barcelona (1986).
The specific source domains mostly have to do with negative evaluation of the concept of sadness and,
as such, form the opposites of several of the source domains for happiness [
Anger is perhaps the most studied emotion concept from a cognitive semantic point of view.
Kovecses and Lakoff and Johnson found several metaphorical source domains that characterize anger,
such as an angry person is a functioning machine and anger is a social superior [
Fear appears to be characterized by both very general emotion metaphors, such as fluid in a
container, opponent, burden, and very specific metaphors. The group of specific metaphors includes
hidden enemy and supernatural being. One interesting characteristic of the concept is that it is
constituted by a large number of conceptual metonymies, such as drop in body temperature, physical
agitation, increase in the rate of heartbeat, and many others. The physiological aspect of this concept
is greatly elaborated in language [
The concept of love is perhaps the most highly ‘metaphorized’ emotion concept. One conceptual
metaphor for love that has escaped the attention of scholars interested in the metaphorical
conceptualization of love is the object of love is a possessed object. The examples are well known to
everybody. Let us mention just two of them: ‘You are mine and I am yours,’ ‘I won’t let anyone take
you from me.’ The central idea, and hence, in the love system, the central metaphor is the notion of
unity, at least judged by the number of various metaphorical entailments of and lexical elaborations on
such source domains as a unity of two complementary parts, bond, and closeness [
Conceptual Metaphor Theory is one of the most frequently used approaches applied to the study of emotion since early 1980. Cognitive linguistics is used to study conceptual representation, including the representation of emotion concepts.
The cognitive approach to metaphor, based on the Conceptual Metaphor Theory, can bring a
different perspective to the issue of metaphor in Translation Studies. This approach is based on the
statement that metaphors are used for understanding one domain of experience in terms of another,
which makes it not only a matter of language but cognition as well. People tend to think and talk about
complex and abstract concepts (target domains) in terms of simpler concepts (source domains). The
Conceptual Metaphor Theory has proved to be particularly useful in understanding emotional concepts
[
As one of the analysis methods, metaphorical profile analysis is outlined. This method entails the
rephrasing of the observed metaphorical expressions as metaphorical patterns [
The metaphorical profiles constitute a semantic profile of the words, informing us of the ways the emotions designated by those words are conceptualized. Words can be compared within and across languages, in search of similarities and/or differences.
For example, Spanish has two salient terms to label the anger category. One of them, ira (“anger,” but also “wrath”), is the term typically used in emotion psychology. The other, rabia (“anger,” but also “rabies”), is a term more frequently used by lay people to refer to emotion.
An analysis of metaphorical profiles of those words using distributional statistics revealed important differences. Ira is significantly more associated with the conceptual domains of fire, the force of nature, and weapons, while rabia is more associated with illness [23].
Metaphor has traditionally been seen as an individual linguistic phenomenon that can become a problem in translation due to differences between the languages and culture [21].
In Translation Studies there are two main concerns referring to the translatability of metaphors and
procedures of transferring them from source language to target language. The assumption of
equivalence-based approaches to metaphor translation is that metaphor can be transferred intact from a
source language to a target language, assuming it was identified. This is often prevented by the cultural
differences between source and target languages [
Schäffner claims that most authors agree that the ST image cannot always be retained in the TT, which is why several translation procedures have been suggested for the reproduction of the metaphor when translating [21]. Van den Broeck provides the modes of translation (‘sensu stricto’ translation, substitution, and paraphrase), and claims that the task of translation theory is to describe and explain the identified solutions [28].
Given the prescriptive approach, Newmark proposes seven translation procedures, to provide
principles, rules, and guidelines for translating metaphors [
Toury claims that Newmark’s procedures start from the metaphor as identified in the ST and explains the translation procedures from the perspective of the TT and views metaphor as a translation solution [27].
Translating metaphor is now a question raised above the level of individual metaphorical expression, as it includes the conceptual systems of source and target languages. Tabakowska first applied cognitive linguistics to tackle the purported untranslatability of metaphors claiming that translating metaphors is subject to cognitive restrictions or incompatibilities [25].
Mandelblit analyzes the correlation between the metaphorical mapping systems used in the source
and target languages, claiming that the lack of such correlation involves not only linguistic transfer but
also the transfer from one way of conceptualizing the world into another. He took a different approach
and hypothesized that when metaphoric expressions do not have a ready-made counterpart available in
another language, they should take longer to translate [
Tirkkonen-Condit found that, indeed, some translation difficulties might be explained by domain conflict, both at local and global levels of the text [26].
The product-oriented and the process-oriented approach are two the most frequently used and widely accepted approaches to translation research. The product-oriented approach concentrates on the description and explanation of the translation solutions [21].
Additionally, translation is also analyzed in the light of the process-oriented analysis. This analysis focuses on actual cognitive processes happening in the translator’s mind while translating and provides an insight into the cognitive aspect of translation. Research into translation processes has shed some light on this aspect of translation. Such research with the focus on the cognitive view of metaphor may reveal multi-faceted aspects and a mutual relationship between CL and TS from which consequently both approaches may benefit.
metaphors in the context for translating and analyzing emotion
Corpora Linguistics is quite a new branch of linguistics and a tool for researchers and translators, in particular. One of the contemporary sources is a computer database consisting of the aligned sentences from the texts in the source language and their translations in the target languages. Contemporary research on emotion metaphors relies on large electronic corpora, collections of naturally occurring texts sampled from several written and oral sources to represent, to the extent possible, the nature of a given language. This kind of corpus can comprise hundreds of millions of words and is considered more comprehensive and accurate in “speaking for a language” than any native speaker, however well trained.
Different methods can be used to probe a corpus for figurative expressions used to talk about emotion in a given language. One option is to focus on specific emotion words of the domain under scrutiny. For example, to study the domain of anger in English, one may select words like anger, irritation, fury, indignation, frustration, or resentment. Once the target words are identified, we can retrieve from the corpus all the sentences in which those words are employed. This usually involves numbers too high for manual inspection, but a typical approach in the field is to analyze 1,000 of them randomly selected from the full list. The researcher would then identify the metaphorical expressions and classify them according to the metaphor they instantiate.
Kövecses, in his discussion of the conceptual metaphors of happiness, summarises his methodology
as follows: ... to be able to arrive at [the] metaphors, metonymies, and inherent concepts, and,
eventually, [the] prototypical cognitive models, one needs to study the conventionalized linguistic
expressions that are related to a given notion [
He describes gathering linguistic data for a study of metaphors used to talk about friendship. He
used interviews about the topic and also asked informants to write lists of sentences containing the item
friend or friendship. A corpus of linguistic data gathered in this way and analyzed systematically may
result in findings that are less strongly influenced by the researcher’s personal language experience than
studies that begin with intuitions and use corpus data to support them. Nonetheless, it seems likely that
elicited data may contain a higher proportion of innovative metaphors and thus tell the researcher less
about conventional language use than naturally occurring data, because informants may feel that they
should demonstrate eloquence and inventiveness [
There are a small number of studies of non-literary linguistic metaphors which have been based on small, specialized corpora of naturally occurring language. These tend to be ideological in focus, concentrating on how metaphors are used to persuade.
Throughout these studies, the writers’ concerns seem to have been to use an analysis of metaphor to prove an ideological bias in texts. The use of authentic data gives conviction to their conclusions. Nonetheless, these studies are not truly corpus-based in the tradition of recent language description corpus work. Linguistic metaphors are studied not for their own sake but as a means of discovering more about metaphor and thought or metaphor and ideology.
The direction of investigation in corpus studies is inevitably from linguistic form through to meaning. It is not possible to use the corpus to proceed from general principles through to linguistic realizations, as there is currently no way of accessing general rules of language from a corpus. Computer programs can organize language data swiftly and accurately on orthographic principles, but the task of identifying and describing features such as grammatical patterns, meaning, and pragmatic use can only be done by a human analyst.
In these studies of metaphor, the direction of investigation is from linguistic to conceptual metaphor. The computer cannot work from a list of conceptual metaphors to identify their linguistic realizations. This means that to establish the existence of a conceptual metaphor such as HAPPY IS UP, it is necessary to list its potential linguistic realizations and then trawl concordance lines to see if they occur. For this example, this would involve identifying lexical items from the source domain of upward direction and establishing which are regularly used to talk about the target domain, happiness. The process can be assisted by the use of a range of thesauri, which will provide a reasonably complete list of items in the source domain. Existing discussions of metaphor often provide intuitively generated lists of linguistic expressions, which can also be used as a starting point for corpus searches.
Once retrieved, a concordance will show the researcher the linguistic contexts in which a lexical item is used, but this information then has to be processed manually. For metaphor research, it is necessary to decide which citations should be regarded as figurative uses. At present, there is no automatic way of doing this, and the researcher depends on informed intuition to decide whether a particular citation of a word is metaphorical, within his or her understanding of ‘metaphor’. The next stage is to exclude instances of innovative, dead, and historical metaphors.
When a group of citations has been identified as conventional instances of a particular linguistic metaphor, the researcher may want to find out whether these are realizations of a known conceptual metaphor. For instance, it seems highly likely that the metaphorical use of heated, evidenced in the following citations, is a realization of ANGER IS HEAT [30].
The best-known attempt to list the conceptual metaphors of English is that begun by George Lakoff
on the World Wide Web [
Kövecses is also working on a full listing (personal communication) but neither his nor Lakoff’s list
seems to be approaching completion at the time of writing. Indeed, it is debatable whether a definitive
list of conceptual metaphors is a realistic goal. This means that a linguistic metaphor identified in a
corpus search may be a realization of an undocumented conceptual metaphor [
Matching linguistic metaphors to conceptual metaphors is further complicated because a single lexeme sometimes realizes several different conceptual metaphors.
The next stage of the analysis is the examination of linguistic features of conventional metaphors.
Sinclair’s finding that intuitions are contradicted by corpus evidence of language in use seems to apply as much to linguistic metaphor as to the areas of language which he has researched. For instance, one of the first observations that can be made through studying the concordances for many words is the frequency of occurrence of their metaphorical senses.
While non-metaphorical senses may be psychologically primary and historically prior,
contemporary corpus data shows that metaphorical senses of some words are used as frequently as, or
even more frequently than, non-metaphorical senses. This is unsurprising where a non-metaphorical
sense is only detectable through studying etymology, as in Lakoff and Turner’s example of
comprehending, (which is derived from the Latin word for ‘take hold’ (physically) but which does not
have this sense in English) [
While a corpus-based approach to the study of metaphor shows syntactic, collocational, and semantic patterns which are difficult to access in any other way, it has limitations and has received some criticism. Three possible limitations are mentioned here: • the limited usefulness of corpora in the study of innovative metaphor; • the necessity of working bottom-up rather than top-down to develop models of linguistic patterning; • the issue of representativeness.
Firstly, concordance data are unlikely to be of great interest to researchers who are interested in innovative metaphors. Because corpus linguistics is based on huge samples of language from which typical and frequent patterns are pulled out, corpus studies help to provide ways of determining what is usual, not what is inventive. However, one application of corpus data to the study of literary effect has been described by Louw, who discusses unusual collocations in literature, using concordance data to demonstrate ways in which some collocations found in literature break typical patterns found in the corpus and so create particular stylistic effects. On the same principle, innovative metaphors could be compared and contrasted with typical patterns found in a corpus.
A second drawback to the use of corpora has been mentioned above; the computer can only search for word forms, not metaphors. To find instances of metaphorical use, the researcher has to hand-search concordance lines.
A third problem concerns the representativeness of the data used [
Writers working within contemporary theory sometimes cite intuitively derived examples of linguistic metaphors which are rare or almost non-existent in the corpus. For instance, Yu cites the following realizations of ANGER IS HEAT: These are inflammatory remarks. She was doing a slow burn. He was breathing fire. Your insincere apology has added fuel to the fire. After the argument, Dave was smoldering for days. Boy, am I burned up. Smoke was pouring out of his ears.
However, the corpus study showed not only that Yu’s examples are not the most frequent realizations of ANGER IS FIRE, but also that they are untypical semantically.
Corpus lexicalizations of ANGER IS FIRE tend to refer to the externally manifested reactions of large groups of people, while Yu’s examples are focused almost entirely on the feelings of individuals. Trained intuition is indispensable for identifying conceptual metaphors and for suggesting likely lexicalizations of these. However, there is a discrepancy between the expressions which a researcher may produce from intuition as typical lexicalizations and the expressions which are most frequently used in the corpus. Given that intuition and corpus findings seem to diverge when nothing more than the existence and frequency of linguistic metaphors is at issue, it seems unlikely that intuition would adequately predict more delicate features of metaphorical expressions. Because of this, corpus data is invaluable in making statements about issues such as the existence and frequency of literal and metaphorical senses, paradigmatic relations between senses, and their collocational and syntactic behavior [30].
The research consists of such stages: 1. In the initial stage of the process, we are to apply ParaSol corpora for further study. The research material consists of text abstracts containing emotion metaphors. While selecting the sentences, we take into consideration the search results for basic metaphorical expressions domains functioning in the English language. In general, the amount of sample is 200 abstracts. 2. When the metaphors are outlined, we are to collect them and form a sample, taking into consideration the text in English and its translation into Ukrainian provided. 3. As soon as these steps have been carried out, the specifics of the metaphors translation into Ukrainian are under study. We are to analyze the translation and outline the main metaphorical expression domains of the emotion metaphors in Ukrainian and British fiction.
ParaSol, mentioned above, is a parallel aligned corpus of translated and original belletristic texts in Slavic and some other languages. It is being developed by Ruprecht von Waldenfels. Initially called the Regensburg Parallel Corpus (RPC), it was developed from 2006 to 2013 in cooperation with Roland Meyer.
ParaSol focuses on: Post-war belletristic texts, translated from a variety of languages to balance priming effects; Slavic languages, but not exclusively; many texts are available also in French, German, English, and Italian as well as in a range of other languages; Texts that are translated into many (Slavic) languages, so that subsequent addition of further translations can build on already included translations.
ParaSol includes morphosyntactic or other linguistic annotation such as lemmatization for many languages, which gives us additional opportunities. The Ukrainian and Belarusian texts have been also partly tagged and lemmatized thanks to Dmitri Sitchinava from the Russian National Corpus.
To start working with the program, you don’t need to download the corpus you are going to deal with. The only thing you have to do to start your research is to choose primary and aligned languages and enter a query you need.
ParaSol also provides a video explaining how the corpora functions and the way needed words and collocations can be found. As an example, the corpus built for the “love” word is demonstrated in Figure 2. We get 345 hits overall in 6 corpora of fiction chosen.
6. Discussions З несподіванки Гаррі заточився і впав просто
на бетонну долівку. Тому що на той час ви вже вважали, осліплені своїм шаленством і своєю гординею, що ніхто з тих, хто не належить до
вашої спільноти, не може спастися? Гаррі приготувався до неймовірного спалаху люті.
The first concept taken into consideration is ‘anger’. Lakoff and Johnson claim that anger is the heat
of a fluid in a container is the central metaphor in the conceptualization of anger. Indeed, the language
data of the experts seem to confirm this claim. Many metaphorical expressions regarding anger can be
seen as belonging to the conceptual metaphor. Thus, scholars suggest that the body of an angry person
is the container for the emotion of anger. Like a fluid in a container, anger can rise inside the body and
increasing anger results in a rise of the fluid [
In the data collected we find the following expressions illustrating this conceptual metaphor: Where before his face had been bright red with erupting anger, all at once he had grown pale. Translation provided: Його обличчя, ще хвилину тому червоне від гніву, ураз пополотніло Нis anger seemed to fill the whole hut.
Translation provided: Він скочив на ноги і, розлючений, здавалося, заповнив собою всю хатину.
Analyzing the examples given, we can outline that in the first sentence the word ‘erupting’ describing anger breaking out suddenly and dramatically was omitted and not interpreted in the Ukrainian translation. Thus, the deleting strategy of metaphor translation was used.
As for the second sentence, we can see that the original text and the translation provided are quite different. If in the English text we know that anger filled the hut, in Ukrainian the hut is meant to be filled by an angry man himself.
There is also an example when reproducing the same image in the target language strategy was used: …said Harry, anger rising once more.
Translated as: …обурився Гаррі, знову закипаючи гнівом.
In Ukrainian, the metaphor ‘закипаючи гнівом’ means ‘boiling with anger’ what also represents emotions as a temperature (anger is the heat) domain.
The next emotion metaphor we are to discuss is fear. An example of a conceptual metaphor and a metaphorical expression that represents it is FEAR IS A CONTAINER. In an earlier study, Kövecses provided a comprehensive analysis of the conceptualization of FEAR via metaphors and metonymies in English. He posits that central to the conceptualization of FEAR in English is a dangerous situation that comes together with both behavioral and physiological reactions that eventually lead to fleeing. He explains that such a notion of fear is based on metonymy and represents the traditional understanding of this emotion in English.
In this respect, Kövecses suggests that the metonymies on which the conceptualization of fear in
English is based are the behavioral reactions of an emotion stand for the emotion and the physiological
effects of an emotion stand for the emotion [
Self as a container metaphorical expression is represented in the sentence outlined: Besides that, Berlioz was gripped by fear, groundless, yet so strong that he wanted to flee the Ponds at once without looking back.
It is translated as: До того ж Берліоза охопив безпричинний, проте такий великий страх, що йому притьмом захотілося неозирки тікати з Патріарших.
Reproducing the same image in the target language strategy was used in this example as ‘охопив страх’ literally means ‘gripped by fear’ and also functions as a metaphor.
To outline the metaphors needed we have also taken into consideration the following sadness metaphors listed in Kövecses:
SAD IS DOWN: He brought me down with his remarks.
SAD IS DARK: He is in a dark mood.
SADNESS IS LACK OF HEAT: Losing his father put his fire out; he’s been depressed for two years.
SADNESS IS LACK OF VITALITY: This was disheartening news.
SADNESS IS A FLUID IN A CONTAINER: I am filled with sorrow.
SADNESS IS A PHYSICAL FORCE: that was a terrible blow.
SADNESS IS AN ILLNESS: She was heart-sick. Time heals all sorrows.
SADNESS IS INSANITY: He was insane with grief.
The sentence given is the example of the metaphorical expression domain of sadness as a fluid: In the first moments a wringing sadness crept over his heart, but it very quickly gave way to sweeti sh anxiety, a wondering gypsy excitement.
The translation provided has personification, what is, in particular, a form of metaphor: В першу хвилину до серця підкралася щемка жура, але дуже швидко її заступила солодкувата тривога, мандрівниче циганське хвилювання.
‘Підкралася щемка жура’ is the personification - a figure of speech in which an idea or thing is given human attributes and/or feelings or is spoken of as if it were human. Personification is a common form of metaphor in that human characteristics are attributed to nonhuman things.
The next example represents the sadness as a container itself, not a fluid: The sadness was form, the happiness content. Happiness filled the space of sadness.
The translation found in the corpora: Смуток - був формою, а щастя - змістом. Щастя перекривало простір смутку.
The strategy of reproducing the same image in the target language was used to translate this abstract.
The last word with negative meaning we are to discuss is ‘disgust’. Although disgust is commonly classified as one of the basic human emotions, it has received relatively little attention from linguists in comparison to other emotions.
Some examples of representing disgust as a fluid and self as a container was found in the corpora. One of them is:
He was so full of disgust, disgust at the world and at himself, that he could not weep. The translation of the abstract is as follows: Його переповнювала така огида до світу й до самого себе, що він навіть не міг плакати.
As we can observe, the same image is used in the source and target language. So, reproducing the same image in the target language strategy was used in this abstract translation, too.
…and look into the eyes of this man, the murderer of his daughter, and drop by drop to trickle the disgust within him into those eyes, to pour out his disgust like burning acid over the man in his death agonies…
Metaphorical expression DISGUST A FLUID is used in this example.
…за кілька годин, він підніметься до нього на криваве риштування, сяде поруч і вартуватиме ночі, дні, якщо буде треба, дивлячись йому при цьому в очі, вбивці Лори, й викапуючи йому в очі всю огиду, яка містилася в ньому; він виливатиме, мов пекучу кислоту, ввесь свій збрид у його тіло, доки гадина не здохне...
The translation given also represents the disgust as a fluid dropping (‘викапуючи’) and being an acid (‘мов пекучу кислоту’). Still, the same image reproducing strategy is used.
Considering the examples of metaphors with positive meaning, we are to begin with the ones with ‘happiness’ emotion.
The first example is: …nor did I want to ask anything further of her, but only to think of her and see her in sheep, oxen, trees, in the serene light that bathed in happiness the grounds of the abbey.
As we observe, the metaphorical expression ‘bathed in happiness’ was used to express happiness being a fluid, in which somebody or something can be bathed like it is water.
…бо від дівчини я хотів чогось, чого ніколи не мав, але вранці я вже нічого не хотів від неї, прагнув лиш її добра, бажав, щоб вона збулася тієї жорстокої потреби, яка приневолювала її віддаватися за абиякий харч, щоб вона була щаслива, і я не хотів більше просити у неї нічого, а лиш далі думати про неї і бачити її у ягнятах, коровах, деревах, у ясному світлі, яке оповивало радістю монастирське обійстя.
In the translation given, replacing the image in the source language with a standard target language image strategy is used. The Ukrainian ‘оповитий радістю’ is the metaphorical expression frequently used in fiction.
Another example found in the corpora:
He was filled with the happiness of a lover who has heard or seen his darling from afar and knows that he will bring her home within the year.
SELF IS A CONTAINER and HAPPINESS IS A FLUID metonymical expressions are used. And same we have in the translation, so the strategy of reproducing the same image in the target language was used to translate this abstract:
Він був сповнений щастям коханця, який здалеку підслуховує чи спостерігає за своєю обожн юваною милою, знаючи, що за рік забере її додому.
The most frequently used metaphor in the corpora formed is ‘to be in love’. Still again this is an example of emotion represented as a container. For instance, the following sentence is provided: I've seen him twice now, and I'm in love with him. '
In Ukrainian, it is usually translated ‘закохатися в’. The same translation strategy is used in the abstract taken from corpora: Я двічі бачила його і закохалася в нього .
The last emotion used in the research is the one of surprise. The language and metaphors of surprise were studied by Kendrick-Murdock. Her results indicate that most of our understanding of surprise comes from three metaphorical source domains:
SURPRISE IS A PHYSICAL FORCE: I was staggered by the report.
A SURPISED PERSON IS A BURST CONTAINER: I just came apart at the seams.
SURPRISE IS A NATURAL FORCE: I was overwhelmed by surprise [
In the sample collected the most frequent domain was a surprise as a natural force: Caught by surprise, Harry fell hard on the concrete floor.
In the translation provided the metaphorical expression is omitted. Nevertheless, the sense is saved in the translation, so converting a metaphor to its sense strategy was used:
З несподіванки Гаррі заточився і впав просто на бетонну долівку.
This research paper was devoted to the study of emotion metaphors translation from English into Ukrainian using the parallel corpus of fiction.
The purpose of the research was to analyze how the metaphors of emotions can be translated and interpreted in fiction. To achieve the aim, the theoretical and methodological background of the research was described and the essence of emotion language, and metaphors were disclosed. A critical review of scientific works devoted to the study of emotion metaphors in Ukrainian and English languages and metaphor translation had been made.
Given the fact that corpora are a quite new tool and the source of linguistic information for a translator, a great number of works were also analyzed. To provide the research the basic emotions only were taken into account. The research material consisted of 200 abstracts collected from ParaSol corpora.
Metaphorical expressions domains of the emotion language used in British fiction and their translation were compared. The analysis of the sample showed that the surprise is the least metaphorically comprehended concept in the list outlined. Surprise is not a socially very complex phenomenon, and, consequently, there is not a great amount of conceptual content to be associated with. The ‘disgust’ emotion has also received relatively little attention.
The concept of love is perhaps the most highly ‘metaphorized’ emotion concept. The most frequently outlined domain in the sample is [EMOTION] AS A CONTAINER and [EMOTION] AS A FLUID IN CONTAINER.
Considering the strategies of metaphorical expressions translation, reproducing the same image in the target language strategy was used in most cases. The main domains of emotion metaphors were usually saved or interpreted with the metaphors representing the same in the Ukrainian language. Only in a few sentences, the strategy of omission was applied and no equivalent was used.
The obtained results and conclusions will contribute to the understanding of emotion metaphors domains in English and their translation into Ukrainian. Additionally, the research materials and results can be applied in the educational process, for instance, in such academic courses as Contrastive Linguistics, Contrastive Stylistics and Semantics, and Cognitive Linguistics. The research prospect is foreseen in the study of linguistic and cultural properties of emotion metaphors in English and Ukrainian from cross-cultural and historical perspectives.
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