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    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>General Opinion Formation Games with Social Group Membership (Short Paper)⋆</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Vittorio Bilò</string-name>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Diodato Ferraioli</string-name>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Cosimo Vinci</string-name>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Università del Salento</string-name>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Italy</string-name>
        </contrib>
      </contrib-group>
      <abstract>
        <p>Modeling how agents form their opinions is of paramount importance for designing marketing and electoral campaigns. In this work, we present a new framework for opinion formation which generalizes the well-known Friedkin-Johnsen model by incorporating three important features: (i) social group membership, that limits the amount of influence that people not belonging to the same group may lead on a given agent; (ii) both attraction among friends, and repulsion among enemies; (iii) diferent strengths of influence lead from diferent people on a given agent, even if the social relationships among them are the same. We show that, despite its generality, our model always admits a pure Nash equilibrium which, under opportune mild conditions, is even unique. Next, we analyze the performances of these equilibria with respect to a social objective function defined as a convex combination, parametrized by a value  ∈ [0, 1], of the costs yielded by the untruthfulness of the declared opinions and the total cost of social pressure. We prove bounds on both the price of anarchy and the price of stability which show that, for not-too-extreme values of  , performance at equilibrium are very close to optimal ones. For instance, in several interesting scenarios, the prices of anarchy and stability are both equal to mmainx{{22,, 11−−  }} which never exceeds 2 for Proceedings of the 23rd Italian Conference on Theoretical Computer Science, Rome, Italy, September 7-9, 2022 ⋆ This work was partially supported by the Italian MIUR PRIN 2017 Project ALGADIMAR “Algorithms, Games, and Digital Markets” and by “GNCS-INdAM”. An extended version of this work appears in the proceedings of IJCAI 2022 [1]. * Corresponding author.</p>
      </abstract>
      <kwd-group>
        <kwd>2Università degli Studi di Salerno</kwd>
        <kwd>Italy</kwd>
      </kwd-group>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>1. Introduction</title>
      <p>In recent years, a lot of attention has been devoted to studying how people form their opinions,
and how the social media afect the opinion formation process. Understanding these aspects is
of fundamental importance for analysing and forecasting electoral flows and implement suitable
electoral campaigns, or for marketing purposes.</p>
      <p>
        Most of the approaches proposed in the literature usually assume that people try to “imitate”
their “friends”. This is, for example, the case of the celebrated DeGroot (DG) model [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2 ref3">2, 3</xref>
        ],
where opinions are continuous and repeatedly updated to the average of the opinions expressed
by one’s friends. Among the most relevant generalizations of the DG model is the one of
Friedkin-Johnsen (FJ) [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">4</xref>
        ], in which people have an internal belief about the matter in object
that limits in some way the influence of friends. Other approaches consider discrete opinion
spaces [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5 ref6">5, 6</xref>
        ], or limited/local interactions [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref7 ref8">7, 8</xref>
        ], or dynamic settings where social relationships
and internal beliefs evolve over time [9, 10, 11, 12, 13].
      </p>
      <p>All these models, however, focus on imitative behaviour only. Indeed, there are many
examples in which our opinion is not only influenced by imitation of our friends, but also by
rejection of our “enemies”. One example arises from youth subcultures, where peoples belonging
to two diferent subcultures, even if a strict relation exists among them (e.g., they are relatives
or they are in the same school), try to make opposite choices about style and interests, with
the goal to distinguish each from the other. Another example comes from politics, where the
position of a party about a topic sometimes arises more in opposition to adversaries rather
than from principles and values. To the best of our knowledge, very few works considered this
mixture of attraction and repulsion in opinion formation [14, 15] and, in any case, they limit
the modelling of attraction/repulsion to a logic setting, which can only be applied to discrete
opinions.</p>
      <p>Both examples described above also highlight a fundamental feature of opinion formation
that most of the discussed works neglect: membership in social groups. Indeed, followers of a
subculture (e.g., hipsters) are used to limit their musical interests to the genre of reference of
this subculture (e.g. indie), even if they are influenced by people listening to diferent music
styles. Similarly, people belonging to a party usually support only opinions “allowed” by that
party, despite the amount of social pressure they may face.</p>
      <p>Yet another limitation of most of the considered models is that they assume a strength
of attraction (or dis-attraction) that is the same for each pair of friends (enemies), possibly
diversified only by a scaling factor measuring the weight of the social relationship. However, it
may not be the case that hipster guys are attracted in the same way by emo peers and by geek
peers, even if they all share the same social relationship. Similarly, the position of a right party
on a given topic may be influenced in diferent ways by a center party or by an extreme-right
party, even if the right party shares the same contacts with the other two (e.g., they are always
allied at elections). Such degree of generality, although only restricted to attraction phenomenon,
has been considered before only by [10].
1.1. A New Model of Opinion Formation
In this work, we tackle all the above limitations by proposing a new, general, model in which
people choose their opinion by trying to simultaneously imitate their “friends” and distinguish
themselves from their “enemies”. We allow opinions to be chosen from a continuous set
(diferently from [ 14, 15]), and model social group membership by limiting the set of choices
of each agent within the boundaries imposed by her social group. Finally, we also allow the
strength of attraction and repulsion to be completely arbitrary and pair-specific, and not only
influenced by the weights of the social relationships.</p>
      <p>
        Specifically, we model this opinion formation framework as a cost minimization game with 
agents, in which each agent belonging to a social group chooses an opinion whose distance
from her private belief cannot exceed a certain threshold yielded by the boundaries of the
group. In other words, while an agent is allowed to change her/his opinion, this opinion cannot
lead this agent too far away from the cluster (social group) she/he feels to belong to. We
model these constraints by imposing that the opinion  chosen by each agent  must belong to
[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">0, 1</xref>
        ] ∩ [ − − ,  + +], where  is the private belief of , interval [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">0, 1</xref>
        ] models the opinions
space and − , + are two given agent-specific thresholds.
      </p>
      <p>As a consequence of her choice and of the choices of all the others, each agent  experiences
a cost which depends on  functions: an increasing function  (private cost function), which
measures the cost of agent  for disagreeing with her own belief, and  − 1 functions , for
each  ̸=  (public cost functions), which measure the cost of the social pressure. In particular,
, is increasing (resp., decreasing) when agent  is a friend (resp., an enemy) of agent . The
cost experienced by agent  is formally defined as
(1, . . . , ) =</p>
      <p>∑︁
∈[]:̸=</p>
      <p>
        , (| −  |) + (| − |),
where  ∈ [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">0, 1</xref>
        ] ∩ [ − − ,  + +] is the opinion chosen by each agent .
      </p>
      <p>We stress that, despite of the huge mathematical challenges met in dealing with non-binary
enemy relationships (one of the novelty of our model), most of our results only require all these
functions to be continuous. Hence, our work provides a significant advancement along the
direction of designing new models for opinion formation which may yield a good compromise
between simplicity (needed for an analytical study) and expressive power.</p>
      <p>
        Nevertheless, we also focus on special classes of games, that we name well-ordered, which
turn out to enjoy interesting theoretical properties, while still spanning many realistic
settings. Specifically, we consider opinion formation games that include the following additional
properties: (i) the social groups do not intersect (and thus the opinions of the members of a
group are always diferent from the opinions of the members of other groups), and (ii) all cost
functions are strictly convex (i.e., the marginal increment of the cost strictly increases (resp.,
decreases) as the distance between opinions increases). The first property is realized when the
social group membership is suficiently strong to avoid any overlap of the opinions of agents
belonging to diferent groups, despite they may influence each other. The second property
is highly motivated in opinion dynamics, too. Indeed, convex cost functions model scenarios
in which (a) the urgency of fixing the disagreement with close friends quickly grows as the
disagreement becomes larger and larger, and similarly, (b) putting distance among enemies
becomes more and more urgent when their opinions are close to each other. Furthermore, we
point out that convexity is a common assumption in opinion formation games (see, e.g., [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref3">3, 10</xref>
        ]),
in which the influence functions are convex by hypothesis or coincide with some specific convex
functions (e.g., quadratic or higher degree polynomials).
      </p>
      <p>In light of the above considerations, our opinion formation framework and the special
case of well-ordered games are able to include and generalize most of the previously defined
models. Moreover, they can have multiple applications even in settings departing from opinion
formation, such as facility location with heterogeneous preferences [16], content publishing
[17] and isolation games [18, 19].</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>2. Our Contribution</title>
      <p>We show that any game induced by our model admits at least a pure Nash equilibrium (i.e.,
a stable configuration in which each agent cannot reduce her cost via a unilateral change of
opinion). We stress that this result does not require convexity or any other restrictive assumption
to hold. In general, a game may admit diferent equilibria; however, we show that it is unique
in well-ordered opinion formation games (that, diferently from general games, must satisfy
some convexity assumptions).</p>
      <p>
        Next, we focus on the evaluation of the quality of equilibria through the concepts of Price
of Anarchy (PoA) and Price of Stability (PoS), by following the literature on the topic (see, e.g.,
[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2 ref3 ref5 ref6 ref8">10, 11, 3, 5, 2, 20, 6, 8</xref>
        ]. Indeed, PoA and PoS are used to better understand the social degradation
caused by opinion formation phenomena that often appear in several real-life scenarios (e.g.,
political polls, trends formation, etc...). Moreover, PoA and PoS results play a practical role in
establishing when the intervention of social planner is necessary, and when there is no need of
altering the evolution of the system: whenever PoA/PoS are high, intervention of social planner
may be welcome.
      </p>
      <p>
        In this work, we focus on diferent ways to evaluating the quality of an equilibrium. A first
approach uses the utilitarian social cost, defined as the sum of the agents’ costs. This direction
has been taken, e.g., in [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref3 ref5">3, 5, 10, 11</xref>
        ]. A second approach emphasizes the truthfulness of the
declared opinions, by bounding how much the social pressure deviates the agents’ opinions
from their private beliefs. This metric has been considered in [21, 22, 23]. A third approach,
ifnally, measures the distance from a consensus [9, 13].
      </p>
      <p>
        We believe that all these approaches are useful and meaningful. Not only, but it is often useful
and meaningful to have, for example, equilibria that are close to be truthful (or close to be a
consensus) and, at the same time, represent a good compromise for the society as a whole. For
this reason, we propose to measure the performance of an equilibrium by means of the  -social
influence cost , obtained by summing the cost of untruthfulness scaled by  and the cost of social
pressure (i.e., distance from a consensus) scaled by 1 −  , for any  ∈ [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">0, 1</xref>
        ]. Observe that, by
setting  = 1/2,  = 1 and  = 0, respectively, we re-obtain the above three metrics.
      </p>
      <p>Our results highlight how PoA and PoS with respect to  -social influence cost vary as the
parameters of the system change: this will provide practically useful suggestions about the
direction in which possible interventions of a social planner should occur. For example, our
results suggest that, in order to guarantee that opinion formation converges to states with good
social performances, one should try to avoid enemy relation or one should try to assure that
social groups are “closed” as described in the definition of well-ordered games. Hence, the social
planner may be interested in designing campaigns to enforce these properties.</p>
      <p>Specifically we prove that for extreme values of  (i.e.,  = 0 or  = 1), the PoA and the PoS
can grow arbitrarily large, as it may be impossible to reach an equilibrium that is a consensus
or a truthful profile when considering agents with general cost functions and possessing both
attraction and dis-attraction attitudes. Nevertheless, we surprisingly show that the PoA and
the PoS are usually not very large when  is suficiently far from the extremes. Specifically, we
prove that the PoS is always (i.e., we do not require convexity or other assumptions) bounded by
mmainx{{22,, 11−−  }} =  ︁( max {︁ 1 , 1− 1 }︁)︁ . The same bound holds even for the PoA in well-ordered
opinion formation games, while in general the PoA can be unbounded.</p>
      <p>
        When the cost functions obey some additional mild assumptions (e.g., continuous
diferentiability), better bounds on the PoA are possible. In particular, given two classes of cost functions
ℱ and  satisfying the above assumptions, we show that the the price of anarchy PoA() (with
respect to the  -social influence) of any game  with public and private cost functions in ℱ
and  respectively is at most
⎡
⎤
PoA() ≤ in≥f0 ⎣⎢ ∈sℱu,p∈, max { 2 (, , ,  ),  1−  (, , ˆ, ˆ)}⎥⎦ ,
,,^,^∈[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">0,1</xref>
        ]
(1)
where  (, ℎ, ,  ) is a function defined as  (, ℎ, ,  ) = · ℎ()+ (− )· ℎ()
· ℎ()  for any , , ,  ≥
0 and real function ℎ.
      </p>
      <p>The technique used to prove this result may be of independent interest: a generalization of
the primal-dual technique introduced in [24], and applied for the first time in this setting. We
additionally show that these bounds are often tight, even for the price of stability. Under mild
assumptions, the proof arguments used to obtain the upper bound in (1) can be reversed via
strong duality (by following a similar approach as in [25, 26, 27]) to derive tight lower bounds
for the price of stability, holding even for games with two agents. The general structure of the
lower bound is the following: (i) we have two agents with private beliefs equal to 1/2 −  and
1/2 +  for some  ∈ [0, 1/2] (ii) there is a unique equilibrium (1, 2) = (1/2 − , 1/2 + ) for
some  ∈ [0, 1/2] and the social optimum is (1, 2) = (1/2 − , 1/2 + ) for some  ∈ [0, 1/2].</p>
      <p>We also apply the above results on the prices of anarchy and stability to specific classes of
well-studied games, by proving tight numerical bounds.
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