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  <front>
    <journal-meta>
      <journal-title-group>
        <journal-title>Sydsvenskan</journal-title>
      </journal-title-group>
    </journal-meta>
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Setting the AI Agenda - Evidence from Sweden in the ChatGPT Era</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Bastiaan Bruinsma</string-name>
          <email>sebastianus.bruinsma@chalmers.se</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Annika Fredén</string-name>
          <email>annika.freden@svet.lu.se</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff2">2</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Kajsa Hansson</string-name>
          <email>kajsa.hansson@svet.lu.se</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff2">2</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Moa Johansson</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Pasko Kisić-Merino</string-name>
          <email>pasko.kisicmerino@kau.se</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1">1</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Denitsa Saynova</string-name>
          <email>saynova@chalmers.se</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>Chalmers University of Technology</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>Chalmersplatsen 1, 412 96, Gothenburg</addr-line>
          ,
          <country country="SE">Sweden</country>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff1">
          <label>1</label>
          <institution>Karlstad University</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>Universitetsgatan 2, 656 37, Karlstad</addr-line>
          ,
          <country country="SE">Sweden</country>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff2">
          <label>2</label>
          <institution>Lund University</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>Allhelgona kyrkogata 14, 223 62, Lund</addr-line>
          ,
          <country country="SE">Sweden</country>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <pub-date>
        <year>2023</year>
      </pub-date>
      <volume>3</volume>
      <fpage>1</fpage>
      <lpage>07</lpage>
      <abstract>
        <p>This paper examines the development of the Artificial Intelligence (AI) meta-debate in Sweden before and after the release of ChatGPT. From the perspective of agenda-setting theory, we propose that it is an elite outside of party politics that is leading the debate - i.e. that the politicians are relatively silent when it comes to this rapid development. We also suggest that the debate has become more substantive and risk-oriented in recent years. To investigate this claim, we draw on an original dataset of elite-level documents from the early 2010s to the present, using op-eds published in a number of leading Swedish newspapers. By conducting a qualitative content analysis of these materials, our preliminary findings lend support to the expectation that an academic, rather than a political elite is steering the debate.</p>
      </abstract>
      <kwd-group>
        <kwd>eol&gt;AI debate</kwd>
        <kwd>agenda setting</kwd>
        <kwd>AI risk</kwd>
        <kwd>qualitative content analysis</kwd>
        <kwd>Sweden</kwd>
      </kwd-group>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>1. Introduction</title>
      <p>mass of AI experts believe that AI may pose existential risks to the future. One of the most
influential of these is Eliezer Yudkowsky, who has argued for shutting down AI development 4.</p>
      <p>
        However, this focus on long-term risk has been strongly criticised by other AI researchers,
such as Timnit Gebru [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">1</xref>
        ]. As one of the authors of a statement published by the DAIR
Institute5 in response to the “pause letter”, Gerbu and her co-authors called instead for a focus on
concrete short-term risks. Instead of the existential focus of the long-term risks, these risks
concern the immediate consequences of AI, such as that on job displacement and the spread of
political misinformation and disinformation [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2 ref3">2, 3</xref>
        ], as well as concerns about many aspects of
the (un)fairness and bias inherent to AI systems [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4 ref5 ref6 ref7">4, 5, 6, 7</xref>
        ] (see also Weidinger et al. [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
        ] for a
discussion of the risks of large language models specifically). This perspective is also promoted
by influential journals such as Nature [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">9</xref>
        ]. In response to these discussions and debates on AI
risk, the European Commission has moved swiftly to introduce legislative measures aimed at
regulating the use of AI and assessing the associated risks [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">10</xref>
        ]6.
      </p>
      <p>
        Despite being high on the agenda, there are relatively few articles that consider AI from the
perspective of the meta-discussion (for an exception see Nguyen [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">11</xref>
        ]). Rather, research on AI
tends to take a normative stance, focusing on “responsible” AI (see, for example Dignum [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">12</xref>
        ]
and Hedlund and Persson [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">13</xref>
        ]), issues of transparency [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14">14</xref>
        ] or the more technical aspects of AI
performance [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15 ref16 ref17">15, 16, 17</xref>
        ]. Instead of this, we want to take a bird’s eye view of the AI debate by
examining developments in a highly digitised member of the European Union: Sweden.
      </p>
      <p>
        Previous research suggests that national media are often the most important source of public
agenda setting, at least in countries such as the UK and Canada [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref18 ref19">18, 19</xref>
        ]. Langer and Gruber [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref18">18</xref>
        ]
suggests that there is a reciprocal relationship between elite politics and the agenda-setting
media, so that politics and editorial gate-keeping are intertwined. In this particular case, a
tentative hypothesis is that the academic elite is more active in constituting the debate because
because it takes a certain level of confidence and knowledge of an issue to pass through the
eye of the editorial needle. If an academic elite dominates the AI issue, this would represent a
shift in a party-oriented system such as Sweden, where politicians have traditionally played a
major role in shaping people’s opinions [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref20">20</xref>
        ].
      </p>
      <p>The material in our study comes from argumentative texts (opinion pieces) by elite
representatives published in leading Swedish newspapers. As the texts consist mainly of arguments
with important information between the lines, we conduct a qualitative content analysis. This
is carried out by three of the authors, each of whom is a native speaker with a degree in either
social sciences or computer science. During the coding process, we focus on categorising the
core content of the texts and classifying whether an article emphasises short-term or long-term
risk, or does not mention risk at all. For our purposes here, we define short-term as authors
writing about concrete risks that could occur in the near future related to the implementation
of AI, whereas long-term risks are those that refer to hypothetical or existential risks instead.</p>
      <p>
        With our approach, we contribute to the meta-debate on the basis of empirical evidence,
a combination that is largely lacking in current social science studies (where Acemoğlu and
Johnson [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">2</xref>
        ], Dandurand et al. [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref19">19</xref>
        ] are exceptions). Our analysis supports the claim that the
4The Times, 29-03-2023
5https://www.dair-institute.org/blog/letter-statement-March2023/
6See also: https://artificialintelligenceact.eu/
debate is being led by an academic rather than a political elite. We also see a trend towards a
greater emphasis on short-term risks from 2022 onwards. We discuss the implications of this
and relate the debate in Sweden to the international debate on agenda-setting in the ChatGPT
era.
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>2. Agenda-Setting through Institutions</title>
      <p>
        A starting point for our study is that what is said in the leading newspapers remains an
important source of opinion formation for citizens. A seminal paper by McCombs and Shaw [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref21">21</xref>
        ]
found that the news media played an important role in telling citizens what to think about, in
efect setting the agenda. On the other hand, the media’s influence, from their perspective, was
more limited in terms of influencing what line of argument or thought citizens should have.
Rather, it acts as a headlamp, telling people what to think about. More recent work has even
questioned the agenda-setting role of traditional media in this way. One argument is that
today’s plethora of media channels and sources makes it dificult to develop common messages
or a “national agenda”, as people tend to self-select into channels that support their previous
interests or views. In the case of the United States, Bennet and Iyengar concluded back in 2008
that these behaviours can make traditional media agenda-setting minimal.
      </p>
      <p>
        More recent evidence from Sweden, the case for our study, shows that the media continues
to play an important role. Shehata and Strömbäck [23] examine the causal efect of coverage
in the traditional news media on perceived importance by the public. They find that issues
that received more coverage in the traditional news media tended to be perceived as more
important by the public over time. In contrast, no such efects were documented for issues
that were low on the media agenda. Djerf-Pierre et al. [24] address how media salience from
diferent sources (news media and alternative media) uniquely afects the relative strength
or weakness of “sociotropic” beliefs. They argue that while alternative and social media have
become important elements in agenda setting and issue salience in Sweden their findings point
to a continued important role for traditional news media. Given that coverage in the traditional
news media has an impact on the perceived salience to the general public in Sweden [23], the
number of articles on AI as such is important. This supports the idea of McCombs and Shaw
[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref21">21</xref>
        ] that the more coverage there is, the more people will pay attention to it.
      </p>
      <p>
        The extent to which the national agenda is top-down or bottom-up driven also depend on
the party system. Some research from the US suggests that US state legislators are very
responsive to public opinion from below [25]. In the US case, the perspective of the people or party
supporters is thus important relative to the party elite. Holmberg [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref20">20</xref>
        ] contrasts the United
States with the European multi-party tradition with strong party cohesion and concludes that
a top-down perspective on opinion formation is much more relevant and prevalent in the case
of European countries than in the United States. Looking at the case of Sweden, Holmberg
ifnds that, for example, on the issue of computers and robotics (which developed in the 1980s
and 1990s), the Swedish electorate followed the opinions of party representatives rather than
vice versa. This lends some support to the idea that the political elite influenced the public on
highly technical issues during this period, rather than vice versa. In addition, recent research
from the United Kingdom context suggests that the influence of the media should not be
underestimated. Langer and Gruber [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref18">18</xref>
        ] find that in the UK context, the national media tend to lead
a national conversation on an issue. These authors discuss a reciprocal relationship between
the political elite and the media.
      </p>
      <p>The study of agenda-setting dynamics in the public sphere has mostly been advocated for
the cases of the United States and the United Kingdom, but recent scholarship has turned its
attention to other contexts. Examining the South Korean context, Zhang et al. [26] investigates
how social media have afected the prevailing “rules” of agenda setting and argues for the
consideration of a “multi-participant agenda setting” dynamics. The authors consider agenda
setting in relation to the interplay between bots, news media and the public in the context of
presidential elections and the salience of key issues in the public sphere. In this context agenda
setting appears to partially shift away from the news media over time, following both the “bot
agenda” and the “public agenda”.</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>3. The AI Issue</title>
      <p>
        Agenda setting scholarship has also begun to explore the dimension of technology and AI
in the context of techno-political “change” in modern societies, although research to date is
limited. For example, Nguyen [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">11</xref>
        ] addresses the context of public debates about AI and its
more sensitive dimensions, such as privacy, and how these technologically complex issues are
communicated to the general public by Anglophone-Western media. Using a mixed-methods
approach to these debates, the author finds that the extent and focus of media attention is
directly related to the actual spread of AI across diferent “societal domains” - e.g. politics,
ifnance and healthcare.
      </p>
      <p>Using topic modelling, Nguyen finds that over time, these associations have become more
focused on the techno-social implications of AI in areas such as international politics, security
and finance over time. Indeed, with the caveat that the sample is overwhelmingly US-based,
Nguyen argues that this signals an increasing politicisation of AI. This link between AI and
politics in the context of 2010 − −2022 is further explored through the identification of four
“risk” categories related to cybercrime/cyberwar, information disorder (mis- and
disinformation), surveillance, and data bias. Specifically, Nguyen looks at the increase in “explicit” data
risk references in the media (news articles) over time and finds that a total of 47 percent of
AI-centric articles explicitly address risks, implying a shift towards an overall more attentive
media coverage. However, by the end of the data collection period (2020 − −2021), mentions
of risk decreased in Nguyen’s sample.</p>
      <p>
        From a more critical perspective, Dandurand et al. [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref19">19</xref>
        ] show that the context can matter
for the type of debate and information that news media disseminate. They examine the news
framing of AI in the Canadian context, where they argue that mainstream media are reluctant
to cover controversies in AI development. The authors claim that at the heart of this
multistakeholder process of “freezing out” controversies is the goal of promoting Canada’s artificial
intelligence ecosystem as a national imperative, where Canada has a reputation for leading the
AI development. They also point to the weakness of journalists vis-à-vis tech experts on AI,
which signals a weakening of democratic checks and balances.
      </p>
      <p>
        In a very recent piece, Xian et al. [27] look specifically at the coverage and characteristics
of English-language (mostly US-based) news articles on generative AI such as ChatGPT. The
authors address the ability of these media to shape perceptions of generative AI technologies
over time. To address these issues, the authors use a mixed-methods approach that combines
topic modelling, qualitative coding, and sentiment analysis. Similar to Nguyen [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">11</xref>
        ], the topic
modelling shows that news coverage depends on “hype” or “spikes” corresponding to major AI
breakthroughs and policy debates around generative AI. The authors find that key topics such
as “regulation and security” correspond precisely to these temporal spikes.
      </p>
      <p>However, this topical distribution difers between national contexts. For example, US-based
coverage gives more attention to the topic of “business” and “technological development”, while
Indian coverage is significantly more focused on “corporate technological development”, and
UK and Australian coverage focuses on “regulation and security” and “technology
development”. In addition, business-oriented articles tend to frame generative AI in a more positive
or neutral light, while security and regulation articles (which increasingly focus on AI
governance) tend to be more neutral or negative in their framing. Furthermore, the authors find that
US-based articles tend to be more positive overall in their framing of generative AI
technologies than the non-US Anglophone sample, but mostly in the case of specialised and local news
outlets.</p>
      <p>
        Our work is related to the perspective of Nguyen [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">11</xref>
        ] and Xian et al. [27], with the
diference that we focus explicitly on argumentative debate articles in mainstream newspapers. In
contrast to Nguyen, we cover a period both before and after the release of ChatGPT and focus
on a case that has not been the focus of similar studies so far: Sweden.
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>4. The Swedish Case</title>
      <p>
        Sweden is a parliamentary system where political parties have traditionally played an
important role in organising people and people’s opinions (see Holmberg [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref20">20</xref>
        ]). Since 2022, the
government has consisted of a centre-right minority, although the Social Democrats are still by far
the largest party. At the national government level, Sweden’s current AI focus is on education,
democracy and the media. The newly established Mediemyndigheten, initiated by the
government, aims to increase citizens’ knowledge about AI and disinformation7. Another stakeholder
group in AI is business, which has received less attention in the public debate.
      </p>
      <p>
        As a member of the European Union since 1995, Sweden is one of the countries that will
adopt a new AI law initiated by the EU Commission and passed by the European Parliament in
March 2024. This law focuses on restricting how AI tools can be used in practice, depending
on whether the risk to humans is considered minimal, limited, high or unacceptable. While the
Swedish parliament has been relatively silent on AI issues, the supranational level of the EU
is thus at the forefront of regulation, as is the case in some other transnational areas such as
climate change policy. Influences from the US and the continent have also spread to academics
and elite debaters. The US debate [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">2</xref>
        ], where AI is being developed as a potential threat to
workers and/or as a real-time replacement for humans in the public sector, has begun to spread
to Sweden. Sweden also has a vocal academic in the AI debate, physics professor Max Tegmark,
7https://www.regeringen.se/pressmeddelanden/2024/03/mediemyndigheten-ges-i-uppdrag-att-genomfora-natio
nell-satsning-for-starkt-medie--och-informationskunnighet-inom-ai-driven-desinformation/
who is sometimes recruited as an expert in the national media, and who took the initiative to
the aforementioned “pause letter”. Another leading scholar in the national and international
debate is professor of mathematical statistics Olle Häggström, based at Chalmers University of
Technology, who has recently become more sceptical to the rapid development of AI [28].
      </p>
      <p>With this in mind, our overarching research question is:</p>
      <sec id="sec-4-1">
        <title>Q: How has the Swedish debate on AI evolved?</title>
        <p>From our preliminary understanding of the context, we have the following expectations:</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-4-2">
        <title>H1: The debate is growing. H2: Arguments about risks are increasing H3: The risk debate is being led by an academic and industrial elite rather than a political one.</title>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-5">
      <title>5. Method and Data</title>
      <p>
        Given the nature of the materials and the research question, a starting point was that qualitative
analysis using human annotation was likely to be more valid and eficient than, for example,
an LLM approach. While previous work has highlighted the promise of using LLMs to classify
text [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15 ref16 ref17">15, 16, 17</xref>
        ], there are also limitations, such as lack of consistency in factual queries [29, 30]
and susceptibility to being misled by (invalid) arguments [31]. Most importantly, LLMs tend
to have a general lack of understanding of the underlying concept [32]. Since the underlying
concepts and arguments are crucial for our study, we expected that human judgement should be
at the centre of the evaluation of the textual material [33, 34, 35].8 We carried out a qualitative
content analysis of the debate material, based on a systematic reading of the texts.
      </p>
      <p>For our coding exercise, we had the texts read and classified by three academics who are
native Swedish speakers, have a PhD and come from three diferent disciplines: economics,
computer science and political science.</p>
      <p>For our data collection we used Mediearkivet9, where we searched for the terms “artificiell
intelligens” or “AI” or “artificial intelligence” in articles placed in either the debate or opinion
section between 01.01.2000 and 25.10.23. This resulted in 318 articles (after removing duplicates
and misidentified pieces). Almost all of them are a single page, although the actual length of the
text varies. Note that this results in a selection of articles that are both about AI and those that
only mention AI as a simple example. For example, the article “Koppla ihop militär och civil
forskning” only mentions artificial intelligence as an example of one type of research (“Areas
such as cyber security, communication, robotics and artificial intelligence are crucial to the
defence of Sweden”10). We then looked at all the articles individually and judged whether they
8We also briefly experimented with an LLM approach (using the LLM Gemma) for this study, but found that the
risk classification was not reliable.
9We have collected the articles via https://app.retriever-info.com/services/archive. Due to licensing issues, the
articles cannot be freely shared. A full list of the articles included here, including the title of the article, the name(s)
of the author(s) and the date of publication, is available on request.
10“Områden som cybersäkerhet, kommunikation, robotik och artificiell intelligens är helt avgörande för försvaret
av Sverige”
were really “about” AI or just mentioned it in passing. This led to a significant reduction to 74
articles.</p>
      <p>All texts were downloaded in their PDF format, cropped to show only the article in question
(author names and afiliations were removed), and converted to .txt format using pdftools
in R. These latter files were then checked and corrected manually (for example, to deal with
strange characters, font size issues, and problems with columns). Each article was then split
into four sections: title, header, body and additional notes. Of these, only the body is included
in the later analysis. Metadata was also collected for each article, including a unique document
ID, publication date, newspaper title, article title, section topic (if mentioned), additional notes,
authors and afiliations.</p>
      <p>For all articles, we also note the authors (of which there were often more than two) and their
afiliations. We then reduce these afiliations to four broad categories: corporate (related to
companies and businesses), NGO (all non-governmental and non-commercial organisations),
political (related to political parties or holding oficial positions) and academic (related to
universities and research institutes), as well as a combination of those working for companies and
those working in academia. Of these categories, most were written by those associated with
academia (31 articles), followed by companies (15 articles), politicians (14 articles), NGOs (10
articles) and the combination of companies and academia (4 articles).</p>
      <p>We divided the texts between the three human coders, who were given the following
instructions:</p>
      <sec id="sec-5-1">
        <title>1. Give a single sentence summary of what the text is about</title>
        <p>2. Give a label for the text in a single word (or two if its a common expression such as</p>
        <p>European Union)
3. Indicate the risk on a scale of three categories: a) no risk, b) short-term risk, c) long-term
risk
4. Say why the text was coded into that risk category</p>
        <p>
          To be classified in one of the risk categories, the concept of risk had to be part of the core
argument of the article, not just mentioned in passing. A short-term risk classification concerned
a risk related to a concrete problem or phenomenon here and now, whereas a long-term risk
concerned hypothetical scenarios and/or existential threats to humanity. Given our materials,
it is dificult to establish strict definitions of short-term vs. long-term risk, along the lines of,
for example, the World Economic Forum’s distinction between 2-year and 10-year risks [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref3">3</xref>
          ].
Authors of argumentative texts are rarely as specific in their writing, so we rely on our
overall assessment of the argument. Since we have three diferent coders involved in reading the
texts, the validity should increase. In our analysis below, we give examples of the current risk
classification.
        </p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-6">
      <title>6. Results</title>
      <p>As mentioned in the methodology section, we coded a total of 74 articles. We will first look at
the categories given by the human coders to better understand what the articles we selected
were about. We then turn to the coding of risk, looking at the evolution of risk focus over time.</p>
      <p>Group
Ethics
Regulation
Risk
Applications
Characteristics
Economy
Labour market
Development
Education
Research
Sustainability
Techno-optimism
16</p>
      <p>There is a risk in believing that AI can assist decision-making in moral
dilemmas
Criticism of EU AI regulation
AI is developing too fast, ChatGPT is just a small step from AGI, this
is a major existential risk for humanity
AI could help us prevent and solve crime
This is what AI is and could be in the future
The author argues that AI will transform the retail sector
Young people will find it harder to get their first job as simpler tasks
are automated by AI systems
Suggests the creation of a committee to deal with AI issues
The author argues that people need to be better educated about the
benefits and risks of AI
More interdisciplinary AI research is needed
The author argues that we need to invest in sustainable AI by
integrating responsible and transparent AI practices
Technological change should be accelerated to benefit the economy,
fears of mass unemployment are unfounded
Finally, we look at the authorship of the articles to see if certain authors preferred to talk about
diferent types of risk - or not.</p>
      <sec id="sec-6-1">
        <title>6.1. Categories</title>
        <p>Table 1 shows the labels assigned to each article by the coders, as well as an example in the
form of a one-sentence description of an article of that type. The most common label is “Ethics”.
These articles describe various topics related to the ethical issues surrounding AI. Sometimes
these arguments include “warnings” about the potential threat that AI can pose to democracy,
or the biases that can arise from using AI trained on poorly curated data, and the lack of
transparency associated with this issue. Other issues discussed include the inherent limitations of
an AI ever becoming human, such as the impossibility of having a moral compass or ever
developing conscious awareness. Although this is related to risk, not all of them mention it, and
when they do, it is mostly related to the idea of short-term risk.</p>
        <p>The second category, Regulation, deals with various calls for the regulation of AI, such as
criticism of the European Union’s proposed Artificial Intelligence Act, calls for harmonisation
of AI regulation between the US and the EU, and the risks posed by the lack of regulation.
This category is related to, but diferent from, the Development category in that the latter is
more focused on calls to action, focusing on how AI should be managed and developed in the
country. The third most common category - risk - discusses issues such as the risks of AI being
used for autonomous weapons, the impact of unreliable and biased training data, and concerns
about integrity. Of the 9 articles in this category, 6 are categorised as dealing specifically with
long-term risks. These mostly concern the idea that current AI development is too fast and
that future systems could easily lead to Artificial General Intelligence (AGI).</p>
        <p>The fourth and fith categories relate to descriptions of what what AI is and various
applications in which it might be used. Here we find examples of how AI can be used by the police to
help solve crimes, or how hospitals can use it to digitise many of their systems, or how it can
help reduce the administrative burden in public institutions. The sixth and seventh categories
are related, but while the “economy” category focuses on the economic sector (most often
commerce) in general, the “labour market” category focuses mostly on the impact of AI adoption on
people’s jobs. In the latter category, while most authors agree that AI will transform the labour
market, the disagreement lies in whether this is seen as a positive development (for example,
that AI will create more jobs and opportunities) or whether this development is negative (for
example, in relation to the first jobs young people take).</p>
        <p>As for the other categories, “Education” focuses on the development of skills related to AI as
well as further investment in more flexible education systems to cope with rapidly changing
markets, “Research” includes articles calling for more (interdisciplinary) research,
“Sustainability” focuses on diferent ways to ensure that AI and its developments will be sustainable in the
future, while “Techno-optimism” includes two articles that mainly push the framework that
any technological change is beneficial and should be supported and accelerated.</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-6-2">
        <title>6.2. Types of Risk</title>
        <p>Figure 1 illustrates the evolution of the assigned risk categories over time, as determined
by the coders. It is noteworthy that from January 2023, which coincides with the release of
ChatGPT, there was a significant increase in the number of articles published. This increase
was most pronounced for short-term risk articles, while long-term risk articles showed a more
Long-Term
Near-Term
No Risk
Total
modest increase. Overall, the majority of articles did not contain a core argument about risk.
An example of long-term risk comes form an article accusing “leading AI companies [to play]
Russian roulette”11, with the article making the argument that AI development in general is
moving too fast and that techniques such as ChatGPT are only a small step away from Artificial
General Intelligence (AGI) and therefore a major existential risk to humanity. An example of
short-term risk comes from an article a about the current use of AI by law enforcement and
how it is unreliable (for example, when used for facial recognition) due to racial bias in the
training data12. Finally, an example of no risk comes from an article entitled “AI is redrawing
the labour market and our skills needs13, which does not identify any risks at all, but instead
argues that Sweden needs to invest in the data-driven economy in order not to fall behind the
AI development of other countries.</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-6-3">
        <title>6.3. Authorship</title>
        <p>As Table 6.3 shows, most of the articles (31 out of 74) were written by authors associated
with the academic community, such as professors or researchers, followed by those associated
with industry - most often working in the field of data or computer science; politicians, either
speaking on behalf of their party or on behalf of the government; and representatives of NGOs.
In most cases, articles were written by one or more authors from a single group, with the
only exception being collaborations between those working in industry and those working
in academia. Looking at how the diferent types of authors wrote about risk, we find that
those associated with NGOs and politicians never wrote about long-term risk. Instead, these
two types either talk equally about short-term risk, or do not mention risk at all, or have a
clear preference for the latter, as is the case with politicians. Thus, during the studied period,
politicians tended to focus their pieces on neutral aspects of AI rather than highlighting risk.</p>
        <p>Given that so many of the long-term risk articles are written by those who belong to
academia, it might be interesting to look at the type of academic discipline they belong to,
as table 6.3 shows. It is interesting to note that while computer science is the most common
category, none of the authors here wrote an article in the long-term risk category, opting for
short-term risk or not mentioning risk at all. This suggests that, of all the academic disciplines,
computer scientists in the Swedish context do not want to focus on the long-term aspects.
Instead, articles on long-term risk were most often written by someone working in mathematics,
economics or philosophy. In fact, all four articles written by a mathematician was by the same
author. This suggests that a few academics with experience in diferent academic fields are
highlighting existential risks, while the majority are not. Another finding is that AI is not (yet)
’owned’ by politicians, but rather by an academic elite.</p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-7">
      <title>7. Conclusions</title>
      <p>This study analysed the evolution of the AI debate in a national context, based on a human
reading of the argumentative texts to identify the evolution over time. We began our study with
the expectation that the character of the AI debate has changed over the past few years, and that
this should be a top-down development. As the dataset contains arguments and is relatively
small, we expected that human expert coding would be essential, as opposed to categorising
pure political news material. We therefore conducted a qualitative content analysis.</p>
      <p>
        Our results indicate that the emphasis on short-term risks has increased in the Swedish
public debate since the release of ChatGPT. This finding complements previous analyses of the
prevalence of risks in the news media, for example Nguyen [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">11</xref>
        ], as we show that the focus on
short-term risks has increased since 2022. Furthermore, our analysis supports the expectation
that academics rather than politicians will take the lead in this debate. This signals a weakening
of the parties in Sweden relative to other arenas of society in relation to previous patterns in
this context, e.g. Holmberg [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref20">20</xref>
        ]. Instead, it seems that it is in the supranational EU context
that important directions of development take place.
      </p>
      <p>
        Another reflection is that the Swedish AI debate seems to be somewhat more nuanced than,
for example, the debate in Canada, where Dandurand et al. [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref19">19</xref>
        ] argue that the media tend to
cool down controversies and risks. The conclusions drawn will also depend on the material
used for the study. In the present study, we focused on argumentative texts rather than general
news coverage. Another finding is that the long term risk perspective was not very present
in our sample, compared to what seem to be the case among AI developers and computer
scientists in the US. In the Swedish context, the overall debate focuses more on short term
risks or is neutral, especially if a politician takes the tone.
      </p>
      <p>A relevant follow-up to our study would be to analyse the AI debate in other national EU
contexts: neighbouring countries such as Norway and Denmark, or more contrasting cases
such as Spain, in order to be able to generalise our findings to a greater extent. EU regulation
is still in its infancy, and country diferences are likely to continue to play an important role.</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-8">
      <title>Acknowledgments</title>
      <p>This work was supported by the Marianne and Marcus Wallenberg Foundation and the
Wallenberg AI, Autonomous Systems and Software Program – Humanity and Society. Bastiaan
Bruinsma is grateful for support from the GATE Project, funded by the European Union’s
Horizon 2020 WIDESPREAD-2018-2020 TEAMING Phase 2 programme under Grant Agreement No.
857155.</p>
      <sec id="sec-8-1">
        <title>Declaration of Interest</title>
        <p>One of the authors, Moa Johansson, declares to have co-authored two opinion articles analysed
here - “Skrämsel om AI döljer de verkliga problemen”, published in Göteborgs Posten on
24-022023, and “Alla måste lära sig mer om artificiell intelligens”, published in Göteborgs Tidningen
on 02-04-2019. To avoid potential conflicts of interest, both articles were coded by one of the
other two coders.
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