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  <front>
    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Revolution + Love: Measuring the Entanglements of State Violence and Emotions in Early PRC</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Maciej Kurzynski</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>AaronGilkison</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1">1</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>Advanced Institute for Global Chinese Studies, Lingnan University</institution>
          ,
          <country country="HK">Hong Kong</country>
        </aff>
        <aff id="aff1">
          <label>1</label>
          <institution>Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures, Stanford University</institution>
          ,
          <country country="US">USA</country>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <fpage>1012</fpage>
      <lpage>1022</lpage>
      <abstract>
        <p>This paper examines the relationship between violent discourse and emotional intensity in the early revolutionary rhetoric of the People's Republic of China (PRC). Using two fine-tunbedert-base-chinese models one for detecting violent content in texts and another for assessing their afective charge we analyze over 185,000 articles published between 1956 and 1989 in thPeople's Liberation Army Daily (Jiefangjun Bao), the ofÏcial journal of China's armed forces. We find a statistically significant correlation between violent discourse and emotional expression throughout the analyzed period. This strong alignment between violence and afect in ofÏcial texts provides a valuable context for appreciating how other forms of writing, such as novels and poetry, can disentangle personal emotions from state power.</p>
      </abstract>
      <kwd-group>
        <kwd>eol&gt;violent discourse</kwd>
        <kwd>sentiment analysis</kwd>
        <kwd>People's Liberation Army Daily</kwd>
        <kwd>revolutionary rhetoric</kwd>
      </kwd-group>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>1. Introduction</title>
      <p>
        of literary inquiry. We build upon existing scholarship on the political signification of
sentiments to suggest a computational perspective on the entanglements between violence and
afect in Chinese revolutionary discourse. In particular, we focus on the texts published
between 1956 and 1989 in the People’s Liberation Army Daily (PLA Daily, orJiefangjun Bao
), one of the major PRC journals and the ofÏcial publication of China’s armed forces, to
analyze how such entanglements manifested in ofÏcially sanctioned documents.
2. Related Works
2.1. Violent Discourse and Hate Speech
“Violent discourse” refers to the use of language to inflict harm, perpetuate power structures,
and normalize physical violence27[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">, 1</xref>
        ]. While it is closely related to “hate speech,” the two
categories are not identical. Violent discourse does not need to contain targeted abuse or foul
language and is often produced by public institutions rather than private individuals.
Conversely, hate speech might include mockery and racial stereotypes without any direct link to
violent behavior, let alone military confrontatio3n6s][. The distinction between “hate speech”
and “violent discourse” is productive in the analysis of ofÏcial publications in the early PRC,
which often decried racial discrimination in the United States1[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6 ref6">6, 6</xref>
        ]. On the surface, the
detailed accounts of US racism contrasted the Chinese revolution with the malfeasance of the
capitalist world. In fact, such accounts served to promote state violence against the “enemies
of the People” identified within the country. In other words, the anti-hate rhetoric fueled
violent behavior.
      </p>
      <p>
        Automatic hate speech detection includes research related to sexism, racism, cyberbullying,
and toxicity in the public realm. The literature focused on these topics is extensive and we
refer the reader to multiple surveys for comprehensive overvie3w3,s 3[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref29 ref4">4, 30, 10</xref>
        ]. The rise of
large language models (LLMs) in hate speech detection research has been a significant
development [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref17">18</xref>
        ], but, as discussed by Elsafoury7[] and Cooper et al. 3[], these models continue to
struggle with nuanced interpretations, which can perpetuate stereotypes and reinforce
harmful narratives. Studies such as those by Röttger et al3.2[] and Lee et al. [22] emphasize that
hate speech detection models must account for cultural biases to be efective across diferent
linguistic and social contexts. The problem is further compounded by the scarcity of related
research in Chinese. There are still relatively few Chinese hate speech datasets available,
although the situation seems to be improving3[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4 ref7">7, 4</xref>
        ]. Finally, whereas automatic hate speech
detection has been at the forefront of NLP research during the last decade, violent discourse as
a theoretical category has been relatively underrepresented in computational literary studies,
many projects focusing on extra-literary content such as social media posts or movie dialogues
[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16 ref18 ref2 ref25">26, 2, 19, 17</xref>
        ].
      </p>
      <sec id="sec-1-1">
        <title>2.2. Sentiment Analysis in Political Contexts</title>
        <p>
          Similar to hate speech detection, automatic sentiment analysis has seen significant
contributions and surveys during the last two decades. Notable studies include those by L2i4u],[
Wankhade et al. [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref34">35</xref>
          ], and Zhang et al. [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref37">38</xref>
          ], which provide comprehensive overviews of the
methods and applications of sentiment analysis in various domains. In the context of literary
texts, Jockers’ work with thesyuzhet package [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">15</xref>
          ] exemplifies the application of sentiment
analysis to understand emotional arcs in literature.
        </p>
        <p>
          Related to this article are the numerous studies focused on political contexts, revealing the
nuanced ways public opinion is shaped and expressed and highlighting the role of social media
in political discourse5,[
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref22 ref30">23, 31</xref>
          ]. Advanced techniques such as emotion mining and
aspectbased sentiment analysis (ABSA) have been employed to capture the sentiment in political
texts [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14 ref9">9, 14</xref>
          ]. These approaches facilitate the extraction of sentiment from complex political
narratives, providing insights into voter behavior and sentiment polarization.
        </p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>3. Methodology</title>
      <sec id="sec-2-1">
        <title>3.1. Data Collection</title>
        <p>This project used two training datasets:
⇒ Violent/Non-Violent Texts: The first dataset was constructed from texts sourced from
the PLA Daily.1 Texts were classified as “violent” if they included language depicting
physical and military violence, as described in our related work on the distribution of
violent discourse in the journa8l][, which adopts a dictionary-based approach to detect
violent texts for model training. “Non-violent” texts were characterized by the absence
of such vocabulary. The dataset includes a total of 5,728 examples, split evenly between
the two classes, with no more than 100 examples taken from each year for either class.
⇒ Strong/Weak Emotion: The second dataset was derived from theDouban Dushu
Dataset [39], containing more than 3.7 million Chinese book reviews. As there is no
large dataset containing labeled emotional intensity specific to military-related Chinese
texts from the mid-20th century, which otherwise would be an ideal training corpus for
this project, we searched for a dataset that would capture a broad range of emotional
expressions independent of specific subject matter. The Douban Dushu Dataset meets
this requirement, including reviews of a wide variety of books and thus preventing the
trained model from focusing on any particular topic. We labeled 1-star and 5-star
comments as representing “strong” emotions due to their clear expression of either negative
or positive sentiment, while 3-star comments were considered “weak” emotions. Only
the comments that were at least 200 characters long were included, and we selected
62,000 examples from each class (“strong” and “weak” emotion) for training.</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-2-2">
        <title>3.2. Training &amp; Validation</title>
        <p>For this study, we usedPyTorch to fine-tune two open-source modelsbert-base-chinese on the
datasets described above: one for classifying violent versus non-violent texts, and the other
for categorizing the strength of emotions within texts. Notice that the sentiment analysis task
considered in this project difers from the usual NLP applications which distinguish positive
1The PLA Daily corpus has been acquired from the digitized version of the journal available through the East View
library (https://dlib.eastview.com).
from negative sentiments or categorize them into diferent classes (anger, surprise, happiness,
etc). Here, we focus on the intensity of the expressed sentiments rather than their quality.</p>
        <p>Bert-base-chinese is a lightweight model (with 102 million parameters) pre-trained on a large
corpus of Chinese text, which makes it suitable for various natural language processing tasks. It
requires relatively modest computational resources and enables fast training. For both tasks
violence detection and emotional intensity assessment we fine-tuned bert-base-chinese using
sequence classification with the respective dataset, a batch size of 16, a learning rate of 2e-5,
and the Adam optimizer. We used validation loss to find the optimal number of training epochs.
Texts were tokenized into input sequences using thebert-base-chinese tokenizer, which splits
by Chinese character (there are no spaces in Chinese). We have achieved F1 score o0.f981 for
violence analysis (600 test samples) and0.926 for sentiment analysis (12,000 test samples).</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-2-3">
        <title>3.3. Quantitative Analysis</title>
        <p>After training, the 185,472 articles from thePLA Daily published between 1956 and 1989 were
segmented into non-overlapping chunks of 500 characters, yielding 629,734 texts in total. The
period in question begins with the establishment of the journal in 1956 and ends in 1989, a year
marked by nation-wide pro-democratic protests. Each text was evaluated by the two models for
the probability of being classified as “violent” or “strong” (emotionally intense), respectively.
We then computed the average monthly probability of the “violent” class and the “strong” class.</p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>4. Results</title>
      <p>As illustrated in Figur1e, there is a clear alignment between violent discourse and emotional
expression in the journal. Afectively-charged texts are often about violence, and violence is
described in afective terms. Both lines demonstrate an increasing trend from the late 1950s,
peaking around 1968, followed by a decline through the late 1970s and 1980s. This trend
indicates heightened periods of violence-related, emotionally-charged content published in the
journal during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) and a subsequent decrease as China moved
towards more stabilized periods in the post-Mao era. A very strong Pearson correlation
between the monthly averages (408 months;r: 0.8468, p-value: 2.4296e-113) and yearly averages
(34 years; r: 0.9092, p-value: 1.0183e-13) of violent discourse and emotional intensity can be
observed, demonstrating how thePeople’s Liberation Army Daily “emotionalized revolution
and revolutionized emotions” in the early PR2CT. his relationship can be further illustrated
by plotting the percentage of articles displaying both high-violence and high-emotion scores
throughout the analyzed period (Figur2e). Between 1966 and 1968, the number of such articles
rises to nearly 50% of the total published content.</p>
      <p>Examples from the extrema of the distribution have been provided in Ta1blien the Appendix.
In high-violence, high-emotion texts, the sentiments are channelled towards the Communist
Party and the leader Mao Zedong in thyeiku-sitian (“remember the bitter past and
think of the sweet present”) mode. In the high-violence, low-emotion texts, the focus is placed
on military matters analyzed from a professional perspective. The low-violence, high-emotion
passages convey gratitude to the Communist Party and its members, with little to no mention
of military history. The low-violence, low-emotion texts focus on civilian matters.
2It is important to notice that the relative values (trendws)ithin models are more informative than absolute
comparisonsbetween the models, as they have been trained on diferent amounts and types of data. For example, emotional
intensity of 0.7 and violence score of 0.5 does not entail that a given text is “more emotional than violent.”</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>5. Discussion</title>
      <p>
        The above findings ofer additional evidence that emotional mobilization was one of the
crucial aspects of revolutionary violence in modern China, fostering a collective identity among
the populace confronted with state-designated enemies29[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref27">, 28</xref>
        ]. Although well-documented in
non-DH sinology, the discovered alignment between emotion and violence is surprising
insofar as the sentiment-analysis model has been trained on texts (book reviews) that have little in
common with the military-related content published in tPhLeA Daily. The results demonstrate
the applicability of out-of-distribution datasets in quantitative explorations of literary
phenomena, including even such intangible features as emotional valence of political texts. Moreover,
the focus on continuous intensity rather than discrete flavors of emotions mitigates some of
the shortcomings of computational sentiment analysis. By identifying highly-emotional
moments in texts rather than labeling them as either “positive” or “negative,” we give some of the
interpretive power back not only to the researcher but also the individuals who actually read
those texts.
      </p>
      <p>
        This last point is particularly important given that the intended reader was supposed to not
only sympathize with the sufering of proletarian heroes (Patrick Hogan’s “complementary
emotions” [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">11</xref>
        ]) but also empathize with them by partaking in the revolutionary fervor
(“parallel emotions”). These reactions could thus simultaneously feature sentiments at the extrema of
the positive-negative spectrum. Consider the following excerpt from the article “A Communist
Party Member Must Fight,” published on October 12th, 1969:
      </p>
      <p>Fire means a command, and the scene of the fire is a battlefield! Lu Bingyi and his
comrades from the propaganda team were the first to arrive at the site. A raging
ifre was engulfing a local alleyway’s plastic processing factory. Through the thick,
acrid smoke, they could hear the desperate cries of women trapped inside. [...] The
ifre, fanned by plastic products, raged ever higher. Thick black smoke, carrying a
pungent odor, stung Lu’s nose, causing it to bleed. With the combined heat of the
lfames and the sufocating smoke, Lu felt dizzy and gasped for breath. Over and
over, he silently recited, Be resolute, fear no sacrifice, overcome all difÏculties to
win victory. Chairman Mao’s teachings, heavy with meaning, strengthened Lu as
he charged into the flames and fought bravely. Foam from the fire extinguishers
sprayed into Lu’s left eye, causing sharp pain, yet he persisted, helping Master
Zhou rescue five class sisters in quick succession.</p>
      <p>In this and similar passages, the vicarious details are meant to invoke both positive and
negative responses in the reader, embedding ideological instruction at an afective level. A binary
understanding of emotions risks oversimplifying such emotional dynamics and missing the
nuanced ways in which political power can be intertwined with afect.</p>
      <p>
        Our paper thus suggests a special role that can be played by narrative arts. If literature has
the potential to “personalize revolution and revolutionize romantic adventures,” as Liu puts
it [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref24">25</xref>
        ], it can also disentangle private passions from violent discourse and redirect feelings
towards other facets of life1[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13 ref2">2, 13</xref>
        ]. Depictions of simple everyday interactions, deliberately
paired with non-violent sentiment, may generate afective-discursive spaces that resist political
manipulation. The computational approach proves useful not only in conceptualizing such
spaces in quantitative terms but also identifying them within large textual corpora. We will
further explore this line of thought in the sequels to this paper.
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-5">
      <title>Limitations</title>
      <p>Several limitations of this project must be acknowledged. Our primary dataset consists of
articles from thePLA Daily, a single source that does not represent the full spectrum of
revolutionary discourse in the PRC. Furthermore, the binary classification of texts as either violent or
non-violent and as conveying strong or weak emotions simplifies the complex nature of human
language. More refined classification systems could be developed to capture such subtleties.
[39] J. Zhao and Z. Ji. LSICC: A Large Scale Informal Chinese Corpus. 2018. arXiv:2403.18314
[cs.CL].</p>
      <p>Excerpt
The heavens and earth are not as great as the Party’s kindness; Chairman
Mao is truly the most dear person to us poor and lower-middle peasants. In
the wicked old society, eleven of my relatives were killed. When I was
fourteen, my father was beaten to death by a heartless landlord while
working for him. After my father’s death, my mother led us siblings to beg for
food. [...] A few years after joining my husband’s family, four members of his
family died from hunger and exhaustion. I gave birth to eight sons, but two of
them starved to death. I begged for food from Shandong to Guandong, from a
young child until I was over fifty years old. A landlord’s vicious dog bit of my
right ear, leaving me covered in wounds and nearly dead.</p>
      <p>...</p>
      <p>In recent years, the Soviet military has paid great attention to the
synchronization of air defense weapons and combat units, studying issues
such as the deployment, firing, and logistical support of air defense units
during movement to ensure the success of their large-scale mobile operations.</p>
      <p>However, Western analysts believe that the mobility of the Soviet field air
defense is far from meeting the requirements of rapid army ofensives. When
the troops begin to move, the efectiveness of the air defense drops sharply.</p>
      <p>Combined with a low level of electronic warfare capabilities, significant
technical and tactical improvements are still needed.</p>
      <p>I was so emotional that I couldn’t speak. I lost my mother when I was very
young, and my father was constantly running around to make ends meet,
leaving no one to take care of me as I was tormented by illness. But today, in
the revolutionary forces, my superiors care for and look after me with such
meticulous attention, like my own parents. As I thought about this, tears
welled up in my eyes. With trembling hands, I accepted the fruits and snacks
brought by Section Chief Yang. These were not just fruits and snacks, but a
symbol of the heartfelt care from revolutionary comrades to their fellow
soldiers, continually warming my heart. Dear Section Chief Yang, you worked
tirelessly for the revolutionary cause, exhausting yourself to the point of
illness, and now you have left us forever!
Systematically and in an organized manner, military oficers are being
dispatched to civilian enterprises and local universities to gain life experience
and learn from the strengths of these institutions. This initiative aims to
enhance and improve the educational work of military academies. The main
considerations for this new attempt by the Air Self-Defense Force Oficers
School are: first, to broaden the horizons of young military oficers, helping
them understand society, learn from the strengths of civilian enterprises and
local institutions, and address their own shortcomings; second, to deepen the
understanding of the military within local and civilian communities...</p>
      <p>...
0.0007</p>
    </sec>
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