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  <front>
    <journal-meta>
      <journal-title-group>
        <journal-title>Corresponding author.
arianna.boldi@unito.it (A. Boldi); amon.rapp@unito.it (A. Rapp)</journal-title>
      </journal-title-group>
    </journal-meta>
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Unregulated authorities: An ethnographic study on how streamers impact cheating dynamics in online gaming⋆</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Arianna Boldi</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Amon Rapp</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>University of Turin</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>Via Verdi 10 and Corso Svizzera 185, Torino</addr-line>
          ,
          <country country="IT">Italy</country>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <pub-date>
        <year>2025</year>
      </pub-date>
      <volume>000</volume>
      <fpage>0</fpage>
      <lpage>0002</lpage>
      <abstract>
        <p>Cheating is a significant issue in multiplayer video games, extending beyond a simple “technical matter” to encompass a variety of social interactions within a complex ecosystem. In this paper, we report the findings from a multi-year ethnography inCall of Duty: Warzone on the emergent role that streamers and content creators play in shaping the cheating phenomenon. We discovered that these figures gain authority by substituting formal and informal mentorship, which is rarely available within the game. Furthermore, the lack of clear codes of conduct regarding in-game illicit behaviors leaves room for the emergence of alternate “regulators”. In this context, streamers and content creators become moral authorities in charge of establishing what is “good” and what is “bad” in the game, producing, nonetheless, power asymmetries that may intensify conflicts within the game community.</p>
      </abstract>
      <kwd-group>
        <kwd>eol&gt;cheating</kwd>
        <kwd>video games</kwd>
        <kwd>streamers</kwd>
        <kwd>esports</kwd>
      </kwd-group>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>1. Introduction</title>
      <p>
        Cheating is acknowledged as one of the biggest challenges in online gaming environments,
particularly in highly competitive video games like First-Person Shooters (FPS) [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">1</xref>
        ]. It may damage
the gaming company’s reputation [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">2</xref>
        ] and undermine the players’ experience [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref3">3</xref>
        ], eventually
leading to game abandonment [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">4</xref>
        ]. From a mere technical point of view, cheats are software that
allows players to execute actions and acquire abilities that would not be possible in the original
game, like automatically aiming at opponents [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">5</xref>
        ].
      </p>
      <p>
        However, more than a technical issue, cheating is primarily a “human” phenomenon, which
occurs in specific cultural and social contexts [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">5</xref>
        ], entailing in-game values like those emerging
from the neoliberal culture [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6">6</xref>
        ], and social dynamics like behavioral contagion [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">5</xref>
        ]. Its
understanding, therefore, requires an inspection lens that is able to uncover the “human reasons”
behind its increasing spread, as well as its “human consequences” on players, particularly
considering the wider “ecosystem” in which cheating unfolds. In this perspective, the social wire
characterizing extremely popular contemporary video games, like Call of Duty: Warzone (a.k.a.,
“COD: Warzone” or simply “Warzone”), is not limited to players alone. Here, diverse figures
contribute to creating the gaming culture and the social norms that regulate the game and the
interactions among players, thus potentially impacting the unfolding of cheating [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6 ref7">6, 7</xref>
        ]. In
particular, streamers are progressively playing a more important role in multiplayer video games.
For example, Warzone counted 100 million players in April 2021 but also gained enormous
popularity across social media that involve streamers and followers, reaching 750,000 live viewers
in April 2021 [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
        ].
      </p>
      <p>
        In this context, it comes as no surprise that streamers may influence cheating practices.
Previous research has highlighted that streamers may shape players’ perceptions and the ways
they play a game, even impacting cheating practices, particularly in games where technical
anticheat measures are perceived as insufficient or unreliable [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10 ref11 ref9">9, 10, 11</xref>
        ]. However, there is still a
considerable gap in the understanding of the reasons why streamers gain “the power” of
influencing the cheating practices, since limited research has investigated the phenomenon from
this perspective. This paper builds upon prior studies that explored the role of streamers as
“influencers” [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10 ref11 ref9">9, 10, 11</xref>
        ], even potentially affecting perceptions of cheating, and aims to unveil the
conditions that enable them to assume a normative role, as well as the broader implications of their
“power” for the gaming communities.
      </p>
      <p>With this aim, we conducted multi-year ethnographic research in the Warzone Italian gaming
community, using participant and non-participant observation, document analysis, informal
conversations, and semi-structured interviews. In doing so, we focused our study on the contexts of
casual play and esports, as here the consequences of cheating are relevant: while casual players
may abandon the game due to an unsatisfactory game experience, for esports players “fair play” is
a crucial requirement when engaging in tournaments. We thus considered players playing “just for
fun” and amateur esports players who, despite competing within esports organizations (amateur
sports association, “ASD”, in Italian), receive little to no compensation. The rationale for focusing
on amateur esports lies in its broader diffusion compared to professional esports, which may lead
to insights with wider-reaching implications.</p>
      <p>Specifically, we aimed to answer the following research questions: What roles do streamers and
content creators play in relation to cheating in Warzone (RQ1)? Why, if so, do streamers gain
significant authority in influencing the perception of cheating (RQ2)? What are the consequences
of this authority on players (RQ3)? Consistently to these questions, the study findings tackle three
main themes: (i) the increasingly important role of streamers and content creators in Warzone as
mentors providing guidance to players, which in turn gives them the authority of judging cheating
behaviors; (ii) the lack of coherent regulations that may govern cheating practices, which further
strengthens the streamers’ authority as “moral judges” of players’ actions; (iii) the risks associated
with relying on streamers for guidance.</p>
      <p>
        In this way, we make a substantial contribution by offering a detailed picture of the reasons
why streamers and content creators are emerging as authorities in contemporary gaming
environments. Moreover, we apply Becker’s [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">12</xref>
        ] theory of moral entrepreneurship (see Section 2.2)
to interpret the study findings, revealing how “deviance” can be defined and regulated by emerging
figures of the digital realm. This extends the relevance of this theoretical framework to
contemporary online gaming ecosystems by identifying streamers as a novel category of “moral
entrepreneurs”.
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>2. Related works</title>
      <sec id="sec-2-1">
        <title>2.1. Understanding cheating in online games</title>
        <p>
          In online gaming, cheating extends beyond the mere use of code modifications and may be best
understood as a complex socio-technical phenomenon, where technical and social factors converge
to shape its definition, perception, and management [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">9</xref>
          ]. Research highlights that cheating is not a
static or universally understood rule-breaking behavior: it is rather continuously redefined through
the interactions among players [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">5</xref>
          ], developers [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">13</xref>
          ], and community norms [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref7">7</xref>
          ], which determine
what is deemed acceptable or deviant behavior in the game environment.
        </p>
        <p>
          For example, players’ definitions of deviant behavior vary significantly across communities [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14">14</xref>
          ].
Game design features (e.g., competitive intensity, the visibility of performance metrics) shape the
stakes of gameplay and, therefore, how cheating is perceived and managed, as shown by Dumitrica
[
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6">6</xref>
          ]: for instance, cheating in multiplayer games is considered less acceptable compared to solo
games, where players may employ cheat codes to advance in the game [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">15</xref>
          ]. Game genres also play
a role in determining players’ attitude to cheating, and competitive titles - like FPS or Multiplayer
Online Battle Arena (MOBAs), are more likely to draw attention to cheating practices due to their
focus on performance. Moreover, certain practices may be tolerated or banned depending on
whether players engage primarily for leisure or competition [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">9</xref>
          ]. This peculiarity is further
amplified by the sophistication of modern cheats, which are increasingly difficult to detect and
contribute to creating a sense of uncertainty in multiplayer contexts [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16">16</xref>
          ]. Even though certain
forms of cheating are occasionally seen as “creative deviance” [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref17">17</xref>
          ], cheating is predominantly
viewed as a destructive force within gaming communities, eroding trust, fair competition, and
overall player enjoyment [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15 ref3">15, 3</xref>
          ]. This “dark behavior” thus has the potential to disrupt player
experience and foster a broader environment of chaos and distrust [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">9</xref>
          ]. This pervasive, negative
atmosphere engendered by cheating underscores the importance of understanding how such
behavior is collectively managed within gaming communities.
        </p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-2-2">
        <title>2.2. The wider ecosystem of cheating</title>
        <p>
          The ambiguous nature of cheating creates an environment where players have limited resources to
recognize or address this behavior when it occurs. Therefore, prominent figures such as streamers
and content creators may leverage their knowledge to affect players’ perceptions of fair play. King
and de la Hera [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">11</xref>
          ] point out that streamers may influence how players perceive and play a game,
by inspiring collaboration, competition, curiosity, and commitment. Johnson and Abarbanel [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">10</xref>
          ]
show that spectators perceive streamers’ cheating practices depending on their supposed goal in
the streamed matches: while they have a low tolerance for streamers’ cheating to win practices,
they are more accommodating when they deliberately underperform to manipulate the result for
betting fraud. Consalvo’s [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">15</xref>
          ] seminal work emphasizes the importance of looking beyond the
game itself to understand cheating dynamics, introducing the concept of “paratextual industries” –
external elements such as guides, tip lines, and modding tools that set expectations about what is
possible and acceptable within gaming ecosystems. However, she did not directly explore the role
of streamers, who represent a modern extension of paratextual industries. Boldi and Rapp [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">9</xref>
          ],
instead, observe that streamers may directly influence a game community standard about “illicit
behaviors” – that are actions perceived as unfair or against community norms, including but not
limited to technical manipulations of the game labeled as “cheating”: they may provide an informal
system to recognize unfair players, compensating the perceived insufficiencies of formal anti-cheat
technologies [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref18">18</xref>
          ]. However, the reliance on streamers to define and enforce norms introduces a
range of biases and conflicts of interest: for instance, streamers might accuse others of cheating to
deflect from their own failures [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">9</xref>
          ].
        </p>
        <p>These previous works highlight that streamers may play a role in determining how players
perceive and understand the cheating practices. However, although previous research has pointed
to their relevance, the wider implications of the streamers’ emerging role on the cheating
phenomenon are far from clear. In particular, it seems that a more in-depth understanding of the
context in which cheating occurs is needed to grasp this streamers’ role and the reasons why they
may influence cheating practices.</p>
        <p>
          To understand how streamers may shape norms and perceptions of cheating, in this study we
adopt the theoretical lens of moral entrepreneurship [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">12</xref>
          ], which directly addresses the process of
norm creation, enforcement, and contestation. The theory emphasizes that deviance is socially
constructed through the creation and enforcement of rules by “moral entrepreneurs”: these actors
define behaviors as deviant based on their values, enforcing societal norms. Applying this lens to
cheating allows us not only to examine how streamers construct cheating as deviance and
influence community standards around acceptable and deviant behaviors, but also how such
reliance on popular figures fills gaps left by a fragmented regulatory system.
        </p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-2-3">
        <title>2.3. Cheating regulations in esports</title>
        <p>
          From a regulatory perspective, cheating in esports presents significant challenges due to the
growing sophistication of cheating methods and the fragmentation of the regulatory system. While
there have been several attempts to create robust anti-cheating frameworks, existing guidelines are
often outdated in the face of rapidly advancing cheat technologies. In fact, the evolution of cheating
software complicates regulatory efforts, as even players often fail to recognize when cheating is
occurring [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">9</xref>
          ]. For instance, the Esports Integrity Commission [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref19">19</xref>
          ] aims to address these issues by
establishing unified standards across esports tournaments and relevant stakeholders, yet their
enforcement efforts are challenged by technological adaptation and a lack of comprehensive
industry alignment. As recently reported by the International Esports Federation (IESF),
accusations of rule violations during the DOTA 2 South America Regionals were dismissed without
proper investigation [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref20">20</xref>
          ]. Such dismissals reveal gaps in regulatory practices, as insufficient
investigation procedures undermine fair play enforcement.
        </p>
        <p>
          Several scholars have examined why efforts to regulate cheating behaviors often fall short.
Schöber and Stadtmann [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref21">21</xref>
          ] claimed that private interests and substantial financial incentives play
a crucial role in undermining fair play: players may turn to cheating to boost their performance
and secure a share of the lucrative prize pools - which can reach millions of dollars in high-profile
tournaments; teams and sponsors also have an interest in the outcomes, as winning boosts
visibility and enhances merchandising opportunities; finally, external parties, such as betting
syndicates, might exploit esports by orchestrating match-fixing schemes for financial gain. These
overlapping financial interests complicate efforts to regulate cheating, especially due to the lack of
centralized governing entity models [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref22">22</xref>
          ].
        </p>
        <p>
          The limitations of existing regulatory bodies would stem from structural gaps in the regulatory
landscape, stressing the need for a unified regulatory framework akin to traditional sports
governance models [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref23">23</xref>
          ]. Echoing this need, Richardson [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref24">24</xref>
          ] notes the absence of unified
frameworks in esports and suggests aligning esports regulations with World Anti-Doping Agency
(WADA) standards to foster a “clean” esports environment. He also proposed data-sharing
initiatives, which include implementing stricter digital controls on players, tracking their
competitive history, biometric data, and compiling records of cheating behaviors and digital doping
rule violations (DDRVs). However, given this regulatory vacuum, there is a pressing need to
understand how rules and regulations are enacted and enforced in specific gaming environments.
Since in the current situation regulations remain localized to the players’ home countries, it
becomes paramount to understand the rules that are enforced locally. This, in turn, may clarify the
reasons why streamers are gaining prominence in cheating phenomena.
        </p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>3. Methods</title>
      <p>The study employs a digital ethnographic approach to explore the social dynamics within the
Italian gaming community of Call of Duty: Warzone, focusing on the conditions that enable
streamers to assume a normative role in regulating behavior and the broader impact of these
informal normative practices. Ethnography is an ideal choice for this investigation due to its
flexibility in capturing the nuances of online interactions and for providing an in-depth account of
the social contexts observed. This methodological framework encompasses participant and
nonparticipant observations, informal conversations with players and interviews.</p>
      <sec id="sec-3-1">
        <title>3.1. Digital ethnography</title>
        <p>
          The setting of this digital ethnography is the game Call of Duty: Warzone, a popular battle royale
game developed by Infinity Ward and released in March 2020. The game, notable for its fast-paced,
competitive gameplay, quickly became a pivotal part of online gaming culture, drawing millions of
players worldwide, from casual gamers to professional esports competitors [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref25">25</xref>
          ]. This setting was
chosen not only for its popularity but also for its social dynamics, which reflect the evolution of
contemporary multiplayer games. Players can form alliances within regiments, develop team
strategies, and engage in discussions within an ecosystem that extends into various online spaces.
        </p>
        <p>
          The game’s focus on competition and performance is strengthened by some key design features,
including kill-death (K/D) ratios and performance statistics showcasing players’ competence. This
multifaceted, extremely competitive, social environment serves as an ideal context for studying
how normative roles emerge and with what consequences. The ethnographic approach was guided
by flexibility in access strategies, adjusting between overt and covert observations depending on
the context of investigation. For openly accessible spaces like Twitch and YouTube channels,
observation was covert, and the ethnographer did not disclose her identity, while in more private
spaces like Facebook and WhatsApp groups or Discord servers - where entry required approval by
moderators, identity disclosure to administrators was used to ensure ethical compliance. As a
matter of fact, the Call of Duty: Warzone community exhibits characteristics of what Kozinets [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref26">26</xref>
          ]
calls "consociations," where interactions are organized around shared interests rather than
longterm commitments to a stable community identity.
        </p>
        <p>Study participants involved in formal interviews were identified leveraging the researcher’s
network and knowledge of the gaming community developed during the fieldwork. Participants
were recruited using a combination of purposeful and snowball sampling. The purposeful sampling
criteria included: (i) representation of diverse roles within the community (e.g., casual players,
esports players, stakeholders), and (ii) for casual players at least one year of play in the game
without participation in tournaments, while for esports players at least two years of playing and
participation in esports tournaments. Snowball sampling was then employed to broaden the
participant base. The selection of the streamers was guided by specific criteria: (i) streaming
content that consistently engaged with topics related to cheating, fair play, and gaming ethics, and
(ii) relevance in the community highlighted by key informants encountered during the fieldwork.</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-3-2">
        <title>3.2. Data collection</title>
        <p>The data collection for this study took place in two main phases, from May 2021 to January 2023
and from September 2023 to April 2024. This time frame was selected to capture the ongoing
evolution of Call of Duty: Warzone as a dynamic platform, allowing for the observation of seasonal
variations, game updates, community shifts, and, importantly, the evolving nature of cheating and
anti-cheating measures. Such changes included the introduction of new anti-cheating technologies,
developments in regulatory frameworks, and shifting community responses to cheating behaviors.
Throughout both phases, the researcher maintained an ethnographic diary to document daily
observations, personal reflections, and emerging insights. This diary served as a crucial tool for
recording informal interactions, contextualizing player dynamics, and refining research questions
throughout the study.</p>
        <p>During the first phase, the research centered on virtual settings within the Warzone
community, where observations provided valuable insights into community norms, social
interactions among players, and the dynamics of rule enforcement as players adapted to both
formal and informal regulations. The ethnographer joined Facebook and WhatsApp groups of
players, Discord servers, and followed the game content communities. She focused on streamers’
Twitch and YouTube channels, as well as content produced by creators on social media. Although
streamers and content creators are largely overlapping figures, we maintain this distinction
because we have observed differences in the practices of the Italian community. Streamers mainly
broadcast live content on Twitch and YouTube, while content creators distribute offline content
across social media platforms (e.g., Instagram).</p>
        <p>The ethnographer also accessed a “Regiment”, a private organized group of players counting 128
members forming a sub-community with simple rules and hierarchy. She played actively, recording
approximately 98 hours of gameplay, adopting an autoethnographic approach to gain direct insight
into in-game interactions and team dynamics. Informal conversations with players were integral to
this phase, as these exchanges revealed player perspectives on key topics, such as anti-cheating
sentiments and opinions, norms, and understanding of cheating software circulating within the
community.</p>
        <p>Age</p>
        <sec id="sec-3-2-1">
          <title>Gender</title>
        </sec>
        <sec id="sec-3-2-2">
          <title>Education ID</title>
          <p>In the second phase, the ethnographer adopted a more immersive, on-site approach, joining an
amateur esports team registered with FIDE (The Italian Federation of Electronic Disciplines), thus
gaining direct access to the organizational dynamics and inner workings of a competitive Call of
Duty: Warzone team. This involvement included active participation in team discussions, strategic
planning sessions, and preparation for competitions. The researcher actively participated in a
gaming fair, where she could observe from within the organization of events, tournaments, and
live-streamed content hosted by three esports teams present at the fair. Additionally, interactions
with key figures in regulatory bodies added institutional perspectives on emerging regulatory
considerations and enforcement practices. Table 1 summarizes the list of participants.</p>
        </sec>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-3-3">
        <title>3.3. Data analysis</title>
        <p>
          The data analysis process began with the review of field notes, conversations, interviews, and
observations recorded throughout the study, allowing patterns to emerge directly from the data.
The researcher’s daily ethnographic diary played a central role in this process, serving as an
analytical tool for capturing reflections and insights immediately following observations, both
online and on-site. The diary was reviewed regularly during the ethnography to identify emerging
themes and potential research questions, allowing the ethnographer to start identifying patterns
across the data as fieldwork progressed. These informal phases of data analysis were alternated
with more formal phases involving thematic analysis of all the data collected hitherto and the
development of open and axial codes [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref27">27</xref>
          ].
        </p>
        <p>
          This iterative approach was instrumental in the development of preliminary hypotheses that
guided subsequent areas of observation. Moreover, the researcher periodically engaged the
community to validate interpretations, following a “participant researcher” strategy [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref28">28</xref>
          ]. For
instance, questions were posed within the Regiment’s WhatsApp group to gain feedback on
researchers’ hypotheses and interpretations, allowing community members to provide input to
shape the evolving analysis. This validation process was further enhanced by consulting a core
group of players for in-depth and ongoing discussions, ensuring researchers’ understanding of the
phenomenon closely aligned with participants' perspectives. Through these iterative rounds of
analysis, the themes were refined and also used to guide the ethnographer’s interactions with the
community members. After each fieldwork phase, key insights and patterns identified in the diary
were reviewed with the second author, who brought an external perspective that helped to
mitigate potential biases stemming from the ethnographer’s immersive role. These discussions
allowed for critical interrogation of hypotheses and helped to refine the identified themes.
        </p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>4. Findings</title>
      <p>The following section presents the key findings of the study, organized into three main themes.
The first relates to RQ1 and highlights the mentorship role that streamers play in Warzone, which
grants them the authority of judging cheating practices. The second points to RQ2 describing the
fragmented regulatory landscape in Warzone, which further strengthens their influence in shaping
the players’ perceptions of cheating. The third refers to RQ3 and examines how streamers’ power
in addressing issues of fair play may produce drawbacks on players. Table 2 summarizes the
findings.
- Warzone’s scene lacks a unified regulatory framework
- Amateur esports teams often operate without formal oversight
- The absence of a unified regulatory structure encourages
streamers to become “rulers”
- Streamers may accuse who is suspected to cheat
- Streamers’ authority can result in inconsistencies, and their search
for sensationalism may lead to harm players</p>
      <sec id="sec-4-1">
        <title>4.1. Learning and informal mentorship</title>
        <p>Warzone’s player base experienced significant growth during the COVID-19 pandemic, drawing
both long-time FPS enthusiasts and novices. Experienced casual players could draw years of
practice in similar games, allowing them to adapt to Warzone’s Battle Royale mode, which
introduced unique challenges such as navigating extensive maps and requiring rapid strategic
decisions. By contrast, novices often struggle to master these mechanics. Additionally, frequent
updates continuously introduced new game elements into gameplay, pushing players to stay
informed and regularly refine their skills, strategies, and tactics as the game evolved, making
learning an ongoing process. This learning process was also fundamental to making players
transition from the world of casual gaming to that of amateur esports. However, cheating
contributed to shaping an even more unstable environment, where cheating behaviors were
increasingly difficult to recognize, given the continuous introductions of new cheats: this
heightened frustration for players who were still learning and seeking to discern which actions
were considered licit and which were not within the game.</p>
        <p>Many players turned to Regiments, a type of clan system that groups players with regular
interactions both within and outside of gaming sessions—as a source of learning support.
Regiments could provide informal mentorship from more experienced players, helping newcomers
to understand the game’s complexities. For instance, P01 said: “I mainly learned by playing with the
people in the Regiment with whom I initially befriended; they really explained everything to me in
detail. I also had some training sessions… not too many, though. Let's say that, at the beginning, people
were very willing to teach me.” However, this support was not without limitations: while Regiments
provided a pathway from solitary play to more cohesive and stable group experiences, they also
displayed a notably fluid structure with loose boundaries. Players frequently joined or left
Regiments due to shifting interests or changing friendships. This transient nature, while offering
flexibility, sometimes hindered the continuity of support for newcomers. By contrast, esports
players could rely on coaches, more or less professionalized figures, which could provide more
stable support. However, this resource was often unavailable even for amateur esports players, as
the organizations they belonged to were unable to sustain the economic effort required for
continuous support. Alongside these forms of guidance, many players turned to online resources,
such as streamers and social media content, to supplement their learning. In fact, streamers and
content creators (i.e., “influencers” posting on social media like YouTube) played a pivotal role in
providing guidance, especially to casual players. Acting as informal educators, they became
essential resources for players seeking to improve their skills within the boundaries of fair play.</p>
        <p>P04, for instance, highlighted the value of learning strategies and techniques by watching
YouTube and Twitch: “I watch live streams on Twitch and Facebook of famous streamers... there are
also so many ways to learn and improve. Like, when you die in the game, it’s a good idea to watch the
kill cam. Many streamers recommend it—they say, ‘Guys, when you die, watch how you died,
understand what you did wrong, so you don’t make the same mistake again.’” The reliance on these
digital influencers represents a marked shift from previous gaming eras, where learning was
largely an individual pursuit or an activity shared only within small groups of companions, as
many players noticed. This ready access to expertise accelerated the learning process, significantly
shaping gameplay practices and granting streamers and content creators considerable authority
over key aspects of play. For instance, P02 highlighted that “just watching them teaches you a lot
about the game. And especially if you go on YouTube, many of them post videos where they give tips
and advice. So, if you don’t want to be a burden, so to speak, to friends who’ve been playing for years,
you can easily go on YouTube or watch Twitch streams. You can learn a ton this way. I started
following [streamer 1] and [streamer 2], and everything around them… that’s where I picked up other
things too, like how to move, what you should do, and what you shouldn’t do.” Through their content,
these figures could thus even impose informal “norms” on the community—for instance, dictating
preferred weapon builds, and movement techniques. This process effectively “standardized” certain
play styles, creating a model of the “good player” for both casual and esports players to follow,
which in turn gave streamers the “license” to assess and judge those players supposedly behaving
correctly and those resorting to cheating.</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-4-2">
        <title>4.2. A world without “rules”</title>
        <p>To understand the emergence of streamers as informal regulators, dictating rules to both casual
and esports players, it is crucial to also consider the competitive landscape surrounding Warzone,
which only recently entered the esports scene, thus lacking an established regulatory framework
and, occasionally, even informal guidelines. It is precisely in this setting, characterized by loose
oversight and unclear rules, that proxy figures managed to assume de facto regulatory roles.</p>
        <p>As reported by P11, who has been working as a lawyer in the esports sector in the last 7 years,
the Italian regulatory landscape is heavily fragmented. Only a fraction of teams participates in
officially recognized amateur esports associations (ASDs) registered with gaming federations on
the national territory. As P07 described, the founder of an amateur esports organization, these
associations frame esports teams within certain organizational standards, requiring formal
registration and offering internal statutes and a clear hierarchical structure to ensure stability and
give players a more protected environment. Moreover, their members benefit from an identification
system and insurance coverage during esports events, formally linking them to their teams and
establishing some accountability.</p>
        <p>However, the majority of amateur esports players in Italy operate outside this framework,
playing in loosely organized groups that lack formal affiliation with similar organizations. These
groups, often originally formed casually, and only later transitioned into esports gaming, allow
players to join or leave freely, making it easy to create new teams without regulatory
requirements. Moreover, players in such groups do not benefit from the protection and oversight
offered by structured ASDs and are not bound by contracts or codes of conduct specific to cheating.
This unregulated population of players operates with limited accountability, participating in the
competitive space without official oversight.</p>
        <p>Tournament organization further highlights this gap in regulation. As reported by P10, working
in the direction of an esports federation, referees are present during federated tournaments to
oversee the competition, investigate cheating allegations, and ensure fair play. These referees have
the ability to request a player’s computer access to rule out any suspicious behavior. By contrast, in
non-federated tournaments, as noted by P09, organizers shoulder the responsibility of managing
player conduct and responding to suspicions of cheating. Here, accusations are typically handled
through ad-hoc processes, such as cross-referencing player footage (Video on Demand), which
relies heavily on the organizer’s experience and discretion. However, as he reported: “ Many people
start esports teams without real competitive experience… When they then face a cheating accusation,
they don’t know how to proceed… some, to avoid looking bad, immediately accept the accusations and
suspend the player, even if there isn’t sufficient evidence .” This lack of standardized procedures leaves
considerable room for interpretation, further reinforcing the need for figures like streamers to step
in as informal regulators.</p>
        <p>In summary, the need for guidance, which is only partially fulfilled by regiments and coaches,
and the fragmented regulatory landscape have created an environment where official oversight is
inconsistent, and rules are unclear. The absence of a unified regulatory structure and learning
sources encourages influential streamers to take on regulatory responsibilities, using their
expertise and visibility to enforce community norms for both casual and amateur esports players.
This dynamic, while filling a critical regulatory gap, introduces variability in rule enforcement and
centralizes significant power in a few individuals.</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-4-3">
        <title>4.3. Streamers as regulators of conduct</title>
        <p>While streamers’ mentorship may provide a supplementary source for learning, they may also help
manage the problem of cheating. In fact, players varied considerably in their understanding of
what constituted cheating, offering diverse perspectives and revealing uneven detection skills. For
instance, casual players were mostly unable to confirm whether they had actually encountered a
cheater in their gameplay sessions, compared to amateur esports players. The absence of widely
recognized regulations further deprives players of a means to recognize what is permissible and
what is not within the game.</p>
        <p>As the line between skill and unfair advantage became increasingly blurred, players began to
rely on content creators and streamers. These figures took on an informal regulatory role, using
their expertise to define “optimal” behaviors and communicate these standards to the community.
When accusations of cheating arise, they are often the first to weigh in, either validating or
challenging specific actions. Cheating is viewed as particularly serious when involving esports
players, and online content produced by streamers and creators has predominantly focused on this
player group, with multiple high-profile cases exposing esports players for using hacks during
tournaments.</p>
        <p>In this way, streamers and content creators become key stakeholders in shaping the
community’s interpretation and enforcing norms about cheating. This policing role, in turn,
amplifies their influence, as their judgments—backed by their social standing—can be difficult to
contest and may enhance their reputation as “judges of fair play”. However, their authority
remains informal and sometimes may lead to inconsistencies in enforcement and unsubstantiated
accusations.</p>
        <p>
          The following vignette, based on a real case reported by an online gaming magazine [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref29">29</xref>
          ],
illustrates how such dynamics can unfold: “In a 2023 amateur esports tournament, a player
associated with a recognized amateur team faced public accusations of cheating from a well-known
streamer with a large following user base. During a live analysis of the player’s match, the streamer
concluded that the player’s precise positioning and accuracy were indicative of wallhacking—an
accusation that carries significant weight within the Warzone community. In response, the accused
player and his team undertook exhaustive measures to disprove the accusation. They enlisted a
thirdparty official from the Italian Federation of Electronic Sports to conduct an independent assessment of
the player’s computer. Later, the player attended a LAN event to publicly demonstrate his skills in a
controlled environment. Nevertheless, the ‘hackusation’ culture surrounding the incident had already
created lasting doubt on his reputation, with the streamer ultimately declining to retract his
allegations.” As reported by those directly involved in the incident, the tournament organizers
faced significant social pressure and ultimately decided to suspend the player during the
investigation. According to the player’s manager, “with no standardized procedures to follow, we felt
compelled to act quickly.”
        </p>
        <p>This case highlights the complex interplay among different stakeholders involved in the
incident. Players and tournament organizers, when reflecting on the events, expressed concerns
about how the situation unfolded. Formal bodies, despite their capacity to conduct detailed
technical assessments, were limited by their lack of jurisdiction in non-affiliated events, which
hindered their ability to enforce decisions effectively. In the absence of a unified regulatory
framework, tournament organizers—typically responsible for ensuring fair play—found themselves
under immense public pressure, forcing them to act quickly. On the other hand, streamers,
leveraging their influence, shifted the burden of disproving accusations to players and teams.
However, according to the interviewees, the streamers’ attempt to engage the audience may
encourage sensationalism, driving streamers to prioritize entertainment and visibility over
impartiality. This dynamic not only risks inconsistent enforcement of community standards but
also has the potential to inflict lasting reputational damage on those who are accused.</p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-5">
      <title>5. Discussion</title>
      <p>These study findings make a substantial contribution by showing how streamers and content
creators play a central role in cheating phenomena, by showing players how to play and guiding
them in recognizing cheating behaviors (RQ1). Their authority arises from the lack of reliable
learning resources and unified regulatory structures (RQ2), but such an authority may lead to
arbitrary judgments and produce negative effects on players (RQ3).</p>
      <p>
        In the following, we use Becker's [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">12</xref>
        ] theory of moral entrepreneurship, to offer a nuanced
understanding of their role, illustrating how they construct deviance, enforce norms, and influence
power dynamics within the Warzone community. While previous research has tangentially
highlighted that streamers may be recognized as “game experts” [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">11</xref>
        ] able to best recognize who is
a cheater and who is not in a game [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">9</xref>
        ], our study offers a more detailed exploration of their role,
unveiling the factors that position streamers as key regulators in the community.
      </p>
      <sec id="sec-5-1">
        <title>5.1. Streamers as moral entrepreneurs</title>
        <p>
          Becker [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">12</xref>
          ] emphasizes that deviance is socially constructed through the creation and enforcement
of rules by “moral entrepreneurs”. Streamers exemplify this role by defining what constitutes
acceptable behavior and labeling certain practices as deviant. Their visibility on digital platforms
allows them to propagate their own interpretation of fairness to the community, significantly
shaping the perception of cheating. This positions them as pivotal actors within the socio-technical
dynamics of the gaming ecosystem, where norms are negotiated among different stakeholders.
        </p>
        <p>
          Streamers’ authority can be understood through Weber’s concept of charismatic authority [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref30">30</xref>
          ],
where individuals derive power from the perception of their extraordinary qualities and expertise.
In the context of Warzone, streamers are believed to possess unique knowledge and skills, which
grants them a form of legitimacy in guiding the community. Their power comes from the guidance
that they may provide to players in search of a point of reference, whereby both informal and
formal figures supporting the game learning process can be insufficient. In Warzone, on the one
hand, peer support within the regiments is clearly lacking, as these organizations are extremely
fluid and often there are no stable figures that may give continuous mentorship to newcomers. On
the other hand, coaches are precious resources, which, nonetheless, are available only to players
within formal and well-funded esports organizations, whereas many amateur esports players are
left alone in acquiring the playing practices and recognizing cheating behaviors. This lack of
consistent mentorship creates a vacuum that streamers and content creators fill.
        </p>
        <p>Their charisma is amplified by digital platforms, used as a stage to expose their expertise,
connect with the community, and gain followers that may recognize them as legitimate authorities.
By offering tutorials, advice, and examples of optimal gameplay – i.e., how the game should be
played, they establish themselves as informal mentors, gaining reputation and influence. This in
turn also grants them moral authority to determine what is “good” and “bad” in relation to players’
actions.</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-5-2">
        <title>5.2. Streamers and moral crusades</title>
        <p>
          Streamers also engage in what Becker [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">12</xref>
          ] terms “moral crusades” by using their channels to
mobilize their audiences against behaviors that they define as deviant. They disseminate content,
such as live streams, tutorials, and commentary that explicitly highlights what constitutes
“acceptable” and “unacceptable” behavior. Furthermore, they call out perceived cheaters during live
gameplay, labeling them as cheaters in front of their audience. This practice does not only address
immediate concerns and doubts about the fairness of certain players but also establishes and
reinforces long-term community standards of fairness.
        </p>
        <p>
          As Becker notes, moral crusades emerge in contexts where formal regulations are insufficient or
even absent. In the case of Warzone, streamers’ authority to conduct such crusades is strengthened
by the fragmented ground on which the esports community is built. Streamers seep into the cracks
left by the absence of uniform and widely recognized regulations that may bind players to codes of
conduct that provide guidelines for fair judgment in cases of unlawful behavior. Previous research
highlights that the presence of unclear rules is not only a matter of the Italian context, where this
study has been conducted, and that the lack of centralized governing entity models may favor the
proliferation of cheating behaviors [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref20 ref21">20, 21</xref>
          ].
        </p>
        <p>
          However, reliance on streamers introduces significant challenges, including inconsistencies and
biases. Streamers’ interpretations of deviance are shaped by their personal perspectives and the
incentives of their platforms, such as maintaining audience engagement and visibility. This
dynamic aligns with Weber's observation that charismatic authority has an inherently unstable
nature [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref30">30</xref>
          ]. Streamers who wield this power must continuously adopt strategies to sustain their
influence; however, this need for attention and validation may compromise impartiality in their
judgments, often prioritizing sensational content over fairness. This can lead to unfounded
accusations and reputational harm to players who may lack the means to defend themselves. For
instance, the public exposure of alleged cheaters during live streams can foster a culture of
suspicion and mistrust, ultimately escalating conflicts within the community instead of promoting
cohesion. Consequently, our study emphasizes that unstructured regulations may enable the rise of
proxy figures who, rather than resolving the cheating problem, may exacerbate it.
        </p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-5-3">
        <title>5.3. Power dynamics and contribution to theory and practice</title>
        <p>
          This study addresses a significant gap in the literature, as little attention has been paid to the role
of streamers as part of the “paratextual industries” [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">15</xref>
          ] that shape gaming cultures and perceptions
of deviance. We found that streamers assume a policing function which may distort the power
dynamics within a certain gaming community. Their judgments carry significant weight and are
difficult to contest for players who do not have the same visibility and supposed authority, given
the streamers’ social standing within the gaming community [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref31">31</xref>
          ]. This power asymmetry risks
leading to abuses of power, where players may not have the means to respond to the streamers’
accusations and may feel compelled to monitor and report behaviors in a climate of mutual
suspicion. This climate, in turn, may exacerbate conflicts within the game community, adding the
issue of abusive behavior to that of unlawful conduct.
        </p>
        <p>
          The application of Becker’s [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">12</xref>
          ] theory to digital games allows us to identify streamers as a
novel category of moral entrepreneurs whose authority is rooted in their visibility rather than
institutional power. Becker’s observation that the actions of moral entrepreneurs can have
unintended consequences - such as stigmatization and power imbalance, aligns with our findings.
While streamers fill a regulatory vacuum, their informal power can foster an environment of
mistrust. By constantly exposing alleged cheaters, streamers encourage their audiences to adopt
similar vigilance towards other players. This dynamic reflects the dual-edged nature of moral
entrepreneurship, which risks perpetuating biases and conflicts while addressing existing gaps in
the formal regulation.
        </p>
        <p>To mitigate the risks of streamers’ informal authority, a dual approach is essential. Multiplayer
platforms should implement standards for those in policing roles, requiring evidence to support
accusations and enforcing consequences for unfounded claims. This would enhance accountability
and reduce the harm caused by arbitrary judgments. Moreover, in the esports community, the
introduction of a unified regulatory framework is crucial. This framework should establish clear
anti-cheating policies and provide transparent methods for resolving conflicts during tournaments.
Together, these measures can reduce reliance on informal regulators, promote fairness, and build
trust within gaming environments.</p>
        <p>Finally, these findings highlight that to study social phenomena like cheating, it is no longer
sufficient to focus on players alone. Such phenomena are the byproduct of complex interactions
between different social actors, like players, streamers, content producers, tournament organizers,
associations and public regulators. This study, therefore, stresses the need to adopt a wider lens to
explore this kind of phenomenon, considering the whole ecosystem of a game.</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-5-4">
        <title>5.4. Limitations and future research</title>
        <p>This study has limitations. Focusing on the Italian community might limit the generalizability of
the findings, as players located in different world regions could experience the cheating
phenomenon differently. Nonetheless, we pointed out that to fully understand such a complex
phenomenon characterized by a fragmented regulatory landscape it is necessary to explore
indepth local communities and investigate the local norms enforced there. Furthermore, as we
studied only the game community of Warzone, the study findings may not be applicable to other
online games. Future research on this topic could benefit from integrating mixed-methods
approaches to complement the current ethnographic insights by capturing broader patterns in
players’ attitudes, perceptions, and experiences. For instance, it would be valuable to investigate
how players in different gaming ecosystems perceive streamers as authoritative figures in
regulating cheating practices, and how prevalent this reliance is across different types of players.
Such an approach would provide a comprehensive understanding of how cheating manifests and is
addressed in various games.</p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-6">
      <title>6. Conclusion</title>
      <p>In this paper, we presented the findings from digital ethnography in Call of Duty: Warzone
focusing on the emergent role that streamers play in shaping the cheating phenomenon. We
discovered that, first, both casual and amateur esports players lack support in learning the game,
which leaves room for streamers and content creators to provide guidelines for optimal ways of
behaving. Second, the lack of widely recognized regulations and norms enforcing fair play
delegates the task of judging players’ behavior to streamers’ authority. Third, such an authority
may produce power asymmetries within the gaming community, potentially worsening the gaming
climate. In this sense, we offer a detailed understanding of the reasons why cheating is not only a
matter of players but involves the wider ecosystem of the game. While this study focuses on a
specific community, the insights gained provide foundations for future research in other games,
which could explore how different game designs, community structures, and competitive dynamics
influence the emergence of informal regulatory roles, contributing to a broader understanding of
cheating as a socio-technical phenomenon.</p>
    </sec>
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