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<article xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink">
  <front>
    <journal-meta />
    <article-meta>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>Arguing with Emotion</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Martyn Lloyd-Kelly</string-name>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <string-name>Adam Wyner</string-name>
          <email>azwynerg@liverpool.ac.uk</email>
          <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff0">0</xref>
        </contrib>
        <aff id="aff0">
          <label>0</label>
          <institution>University of Liverpool</institution>
          ,
          <addr-line>Liverpool, L69 3BX</addr-line>
          ,
          <country country="UK">UK</country>
        </aff>
      </contrib-group>
      <abstract>
        <p>Emotions are commonly thought to be beyond the pale of rational analysis, for they are subjective, may vary even with respect to the person experiencing the emotion, and may con ict with rational thought. In this paper, we develop the position that emotions can be the objects of argumentation, which we express by introducing emotion terms in emotional argumentation schemes. Thus, we can argue about whether or not, according to normative standards and available evidence, it is plausible that an individual had a particular emotion. This is particularly salient in legal cases, where decisions can depend on explicit arguments about emotional states.</p>
      </abstract>
      <kwd-group>
        <kwd>legal reasoning</kwd>
        <kwd>emotional argumentation schemes</kwd>
      </kwd-group>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <sec id="sec-1">
      <title>Introduction</title>
      <p>
        Emotions are commonly thought to be beyond the pale of rational analysis. They
are subjective; the same person in the same context may have di erent emotional
responses to stimuli; a person's emotional response may con ict with rational
thought. Emotions are also thought to only serve in an adjunct role in
decisionmaking, by enhancing, moderating, or interfering with the persuasiveness of
reasoning in an argument [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref19">19</xref>
        ]. However, emotions can have a direct role where
we normatively analyze and evaluate emotional appeals [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11 ref4">4,11</xref>
        ]. Emotions
themselves can be viewed as objects of argumentation, not just adjuncts [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">13</xref>
        ]. Thus,
rather than ltering out or subordinating to rational argument, emotions can
be rst class citizens of argumentation. Developing this position, we introduce
emotional argumentation schemes, where emotional terms are the components of
the argument. This is particularly salient in legal cases, where reasoning about
emotional states is a critical factor in reaching legal determinations.
      </p>
      <p>In this paper, we brie y outline the legal context, computational analyses
of emotions, and current research on emotions and argumentation. We then
introduce our novel emotional argumentation schemes, where the key idea is
that emotional terms can be central components in the schemes. These schemes
model key parts of reasoning in the legal context and of the computational
analysis of emotions. We use the schemes to model legal arguments that are
relevant to legal cases. We close with some indications of future research.</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-2">
      <title>Emotions in the Law</title>
      <p>
        As emotions are a widespread, salient experience of our lives and in our social
encounters, it is unremarkable that they are the subject of legal proceedings, where
human experience and behaviour is reasoned about and regulated. Considering
legal contexts bounds our discussion in three respects. First, there are explicit
arguments about emotions, so we need only be concerned with explicit
statements about emotions rather than their psychological or physical reality. Second,
the legal context is normative and truth determining ; judges and juries decide,
relative to a normative model of human emotional responses. This means that
though a party to a legal case may claim an emotional state as justi cation for an
action, the courts may decide otherwise based on arguments about evidence,
testimony, normative reasoning about emotional states, etc. Third, the arguments
we consider are about emotional states after the fact, for we are not considering
emotions engendered during the court proceedings. This means that scienti c
indicators of the embodiment of the emotion, e.g. MRI brain scans along with
other physiological measurements, are not relevant to our discussion. While we
acknowledge theories bearing on the embodiment of mind and emotion [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">10</xref>
        ], we
can only relate to the issues raised in terms of normative legal arguments about
claims of a past emotional state rather than the real time indicators of emotion.
2.1
      </p>
      <sec id="sec-2-1">
        <title>Various Forms</title>
        <p>
          Emotions in law appear in a variety of ways. In common law, among the causes of
action we nd intentional or negligent in iction of emotional distress and sexual
harassment, which have emotional referents. Over the course of litigation, there
will be arguments as to whether distress was caused, the extent of distress, along
with supporting evidence or expert testimony. In hate crimes, the emotional
disposition of the perpetrator, whether the perpetrator felt hate towards the victim,
may be subject to argument [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref7">7</xref>
          ]. The di erence between murder and voluntary
manslaughter can hinge on the emotional state of mind of the perpetrator, e.g.
heat of passion. Where emotionality is said to interfere with rationality, time
may be a crucial factor, for the more time that passes between the incident that
instigates the emotion and the action, the more the perpetrator is normatively
taken to return to his \right mind", making the action more premeditated, and
therefore more severely punishable. In arguing a case, lawyers make rhetorical
appeals to a jury, attempting to elicit pity, fear, or sympathy in an e ort to sway
a decision on behalf of their client. Jury instructions are given by the judge to
the jury about how the jury should reason with the evidence, law, and
arguments in reaching its decision. For example, a jury might receive instructions to
reason strictly about the facts of the case with respect to the law, leaving aside
emotional appeals. In cases of particularly heinous crimes, the degree of outrage
to the sensibilities is relevant in meting out punishment. Finally, in coming to
a decision, the judges may seek any relevant mitigating factors which warrant
mercy and counterbalance an otherwise harsh decision.
        </p>
        <p>
          In all these uses, we can reason and argue about emotional content. For
example, to counter an emotional conclusion, one might question whether certain
actions, statements, or circumstances are consistent with a normative standard
under which the claimed emotion obtains. Where such inconsistencies arise, one
may counter-claim that the emotion did not normatively obtain, undermining
the claimants argument. Alternatively, there may be procedural moves, as in
where an emotional claim or emotional argument is ruled inadmissible in court.
In these various ways, we reason explicitly about arguments with emotional
content rather than simply ruling them out. As argued in [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">9</xref>
          ], by making emotional
arguments explicit and formal, we can present better, clearer, and fuller
representations of legal case arguments and decision making. The question is, then,
just how to represent emotions so as to be arguable?
2.2
        </p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-2-2">
        <title>Jury Instructions</title>
        <p>
          One approach to modeling legal reasoning would be to model individual cases
or a corpus of legal cases, e.g. as in legal case-based reasoning [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">1</xref>
          ]. We take a
di erent but related approach by modeling aspects of the reasoning found in jury
instructions, e.g. the Judicial Council of California Criminal Jury Instructions
(2011) [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">12</xref>
          ], which are developed and maintained by criminal justice systems as
instructions and standards for judges, juries, and litigants on how legal issues are
to be decided, giving indicative cases. As such, in other words, jury instructions
are intended to be distilled guidance about normative legal reasoning that takes
the proceedings, evidence, and arguments of the case over time as input and
produces a decision.
        </p>
        <p>We consider, in particular, California Criminal Jury Instruction CALCRIM
No. 511 Excusable Homicide: Accident in the Heat of Passion, which establishes
the conditions under which a homicide is excusable on the grounds of extreme
emotion and cites cases for various points of the conditions, e.g. Substantial
Emotional Distress De ned in People v. Ewing (1999) 76 Cal.App.4th 199, 210
[90 Cal.Rptr.2d 177].</p>
        <p>To ground our analysis, we provide the relevant extracts from the two pages
of the jury instructions for CALCRIM No. 511. We index clauses I - VII for
reference, and we have omitted clauses irrelevant to our discussion relating to
undue advantage, dangerous weapons, cruelty or unusualness of killing, intent to
kill, great bodily injury, or criminal negligence:
[I] CLAIM: The defendant is not guilty of (murder/ [or]
manslaughter) if (he/she) killed someone by accident while acting in the heat of
passion. Such a killing is excused, and therefore not unlawful, if, at
the time of the killing:
{ 1. The defendant acted in the heat of passion;
{ 2. The defendant was (suddenly provoked by &lt;insert name of
decedent&gt;/ [or] suddenly drawn into combat by &lt;insert name of
decedent&gt;);
{ 3 - 7 indicate other, non-emotional conditions.
[II] A person acts in the heat of passion when he or she is provoked into
doing a rash act under the in uence of intense emotion that obscures
his or her reasoning or judgment. The provocation must be su cient
to have caused a person of average disposition to act rashly and
without due deliberation, that is, from passion rather than from judgment.
[III] Heat of passion does not require anger, rage, or any speci c
emotion. It can be any violent or intense emotion that causes a
person to act without due deliberation and re ection.
[IV] In order for the killing to be excused on this basis, the
defendant must have acted under the direct and immediate in uence of
provocation as I have de ned it. While no speci c type of provocation
is required, slight or remote provocation is not su cient. Su cient
provocation may occur over a short or long period of time.
[V] It is not enough that the defendant simply was provoked. The
defendant is not allowed to set up (his/her) own standard of conduct.
You must decide whether the defendant was provoked and whether
the provocation was su cient. In deciding whether the provocation
was su cient, consider whether a person of average disposition would
have been provoked and how such a person would react in the same
situation knowing the same facts.
[VI] The People have the burden of proving beyond a reasonable
doubt that the killing was not excused. If the People have not met
this burden, you must nd the defendant not guilty of (murder/ [or]
manslaughter).</p>
        <p>The instructions also provide the duty of the trial court to give the
instructions, related CALCRIM instructions, authorities (penal codes, case citations,
secondary sources), and related issues (distinction between excusable, voluntary,
and involuntary manslaughter).</p>
        <p>[I1.] introduces the heat of passion element, which is clari ed (somewhat) in
[II] and [III] as a violent or intense emotion that interferes with rationality. In
[II] and [V], the provocation must be su cient to interfere in the rationality
of a person of average disposition. [I2.] and [IV] highlight temporal dimensions:
the provocation must be sudden (or combative) and be temporally close to the
o ending action; while the temporal extent of the overall provocation is
underspeci ed, presumably the nal \trigger" provocation is sudden. In [VI], the proof
standard beyond a reasonable doubt is use to decide whether the killing was not
excused; that is, if there is some reason that the killing was excused based on
the conditions, then the jury should pass down this decision.</p>
        <p>Having presented the elements of legal reasoning we model, we turn to outline
computational models of emotions.</p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-3">
      <title>Analysis of Emotions</title>
      <p>
        There has been substantial research on computational modeling of emotions in
agents and in modeling the concerns of others. The Ortony, Clore, and Collins
(OCC) model of the emotions [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">15</xref>
        ] decomposes emotions according to whether
they are reactions to the consequences of events pertaining to the goals of an
agent, consequences of an agent's actions, and an agent's attitude towards certain
objects. One of the key ideas of the model is that the same event/action/object
(EAO) may elicit di erent emotional responses from di erent agents depending
upon how it impacts upon their goals, standards, or attitudes (GSA). For
example, suppose two agents (i and j) are held at gunpoint and threatened; agent
i may feel fearful whereas agent j may feel angry. Furthermore, the emotional
intensity of the emotion may vary according to the settings of several sorts of
parameters. Central variables include desirability, praiseworthiness, and
appealingness; they pertain to the intensity of emotions regarding events, actions, and
objects respectively. Global variables, reality, proximity, unexpectedness, arousal,
e ect every emotion type: with sense of reality, the issue is whether the eliciting
EAO actually occurred or was a hypothetical situation; proximity relates to how
temporally close the EAO prompt is; unexpectedness bears on whether the agent
was surprised or not with the EAO; and arousal expresses the degree to which
the agent is attentive prior to and during the EAO. Finally, local variables are
speci c to one emotion type, for example, likelihood is associated with the
emotion types hope and fear. Each variable has a value and weight that determines
whether the emotion is triggered (the emotional threshold has been attained)
and at what intensity. Emotions and their intensities also have rates of decay
[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref18">18</xref>
        ]. To determine whether a particular emotion holds or not of an agent, each
of the values of the variables must be given, then input to calculate the values
for intensity, threshold, and rate of decay.
      </p>
      <p>
        [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16 ref17">16,17</xref>
        ] re ne and formalize the OCC model in an agent speci cation
language, introducing a logical language and its semantics. For our purposes, such
a representation provides the terms that can be used in argumentation schemes
to justify emotions. Models of agents emotional states can be modeled in
knowledge bases. For example, fear occurs when an agent i with plan believes that
certain constituent parts of , e.g. K, may not be achieved, resulting in a failure
to execute the overall plan. This is formulated as: fear i ( , :K ). Clearly, if any
portion of the representation fails to hold, fear does not hold for that agents.
      </p>
      <p>
        For our purposes, it is not only necessary to represent the emotions of
individual agents, but also to be able to model the emotional representations of
others, particularly the defendant and the abstract person of average disposition
referred to in CALCRIM No. 511 since these are compared in giving a decision.
[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
        ] extends the OCC model to model and reason about the concerns of
others (COO), including the emotions of other agents. Agents build and maintain
databases of COOs and use them to reason deductively and abductively about
the emotions of other agents in the environment. In [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
        ], agents possess
interpretative and manifestative personalities. The interpretive personality is used
to generate an emotion from a certain situation by referring to the goals,
standards, and preferences (GSP) of an agent. The manifestative personality is used
to generate an action in accordance with the emotion generated. The two are
used in conjunction in order to allow an agent to make an explanatory inference
with respect to another agent. For an agent to model how another agent will
behave it needs some understanding of both these personalities. In addition, [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">8</xref>
        ]
introduce the idea of satellite COO's, which are models that one agent has of
another agent's models of others, e.g. what I think you think of others (perhaps
including me). Such COOs may also used for hypothetical reasoning as in how
would I feel in such a situation?, which could then be used to predict the
behaviour of a stranger. In addition to the GSP of individual agents, we can have
a system-wide GSP which sets a standard and can be consider to be the GSP of
a the abstract person of average disposition.
4
      </p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-4">
      <title>Argumentation Schemes</title>
      <p>
        Argumentation schemes describe normative, presumptive, defeasible reasoning
patterns [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref21">21</xref>
        ], that is, they describe patterns of how certain reasoning patterns
do and should appear, how the conclusions are presumed to follow from the
premises, and how the reasoning can be defeated in various ways. They cover
a broad spectrum reasoning, including what is often referred to as fallacious
argumentation, arguments which can be shown to be false in terms of reasoning
or in light of additional facts or growth of information.
      </p>
      <p>One example argument pattern is Argument from Distress.</p>
      <sec id="sec-4-1">
        <title>Premise 1: Agent x is in distress (is su ering).</title>
        <p>Premise 2: Agent y's bringing A will relieve or help to relieve this distress.
Conclusion: Agent y ought to bring about A.</p>
        <p>There are various objections one might make about this argument: x is not
in distress; even if y brings about A, it will not relieve this distress; it is not
possible for y to bring about A; or, there are negative side e ects to bringing
about A that preclude bringing it about. If one agrees with one or more of these
objections, then the presumptive conclusion does not hold, and the argument
is defeated. The objections might, in a dialogue, be cast as questions such as
Is it the case that x is in distress?, where the negative answer introduces the
objection, while the positive answer upholds the presumptive conclusion.</p>
        <p>
          In this scheme, the emotional term distress appears among the premises;
that is, we do not have an argument for distress, where a statement such as
Agent x is in distress is the conclusion of an argument which follows from some
speci ed premises. While there are many other argumentation schemes that have
emotional terms among their premises, e.g. Threat, Fear Appeal, Danger, Need
for Help, and Distress [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref21">21</xref>
          ], we know of no schemes for emotional conclusions,
where the emotion statement is the conclusion of the argument rather than a
premise; in other words, we have yet to presumptively argue for an emotion.
        </p>
        <p>In a legal setting, as outlined in section 2.2, determining whether the
emotion normatively and plausibly holds or not is crucial to the legal decision. Not
only must the premises be supported with reports and evidence from the
defendant and witnesses, but also a COO must be constructed for that emotion
that represents the person of average disposition. The emotional models for both
the defendant and the COO for the person of average disposition are compared.
It may, in addition, be argued that the defendant and COO models must be
relative (e.g. child, psychologically abnormal, unusual circumstance, etc),
subclassing the person of average disposition relative to the defendant's class. It is
also worth noting as an aside that argumentation schemes with such emotional
terms among their premises may also be considered rhetorical schemes which are
used to persuade others. For example, Argument from Distress might be used
as an argument by a prosecuting attorney that the jury ought to make some
particular decision in a case. As part of this, the attorney would construct a
COO model of the individual bearing the distress. Alternatively, in an
Argument from Fear Appeal, the jury members' own concerns might be o ered as a
reason for making a decision, thus requiring the prosecutor to model the jurors'
hypothetical concerns.</p>
        <p>
          Another important scheme in [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref21">21</xref>
          ] for our purposes is the abductive Backward
Argumentation Scheme, which allows reasoning from data to the most plausible
hypothesis.
        </p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-4-2">
        <title>Premise 1: D is a set of data or supposed facts in a case.</title>
        <p>Premise 2: Each one of a set of accounts A1,..., An explains D.</p>
        <p>Premise 3: Ai is the account that explains D most successfully.</p>
        <p>Conclusion: Ai is the most plausible hypothesis in the case.</p>
        <p>This is particularly useful in a legal setting where from known facts and several
candidate theories, we reason to a plausible hypothesis, from which some legal
decision will follow. Emotional conclusions may appear as parts of the accounts.
For example, given as a fact that a perpetrator murdered a victim, the particular
emotional context of the act may be signi cant in the legal judgment. If the best
account for the murder includes a signi cant negative, shocking event which
might (in the person of average disposition) induce emotional distress (even
where this is not claimed by the defendant), this might be a mitigating factor
in the judgment, deciding in favour of excusable homicide; alternatively, if no
such abductive argument to an emotional state can be made, the absence of an
emotion might be an aggravating factor. There are a range of objections one can
raise for abductive arguments concerning the facts, the accounts for the facts,
the success ranking, etc..</p>
        <p>
          While argumentation schemes for emotions have not been discussed in the
literature, the role of emotions in the course of arguing has been. In [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref19 ref20">19,20</xref>
          ],
fallacious arguments are conversational moves that, while appearing to contribute
to the purpose of a conversation, interfere with it. In this view, emotional
arguments have an adjunct status: \good" emotional arguments can be used to
direct an agent towards a prudent course of action to achieve a desired goal,
while \poor" emotional arguments can detract from it. Thus, normatively, one
should only use good and avoid fallacious argument forms. While there are
argumentation schemes with emotional content, the emphasis is on ltering \poor"
arguments from the otherwise \rational" discussion rather than reasoning with
them.
        </p>
        <p>
          [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14">14</xref>
          ] integrates the OCC model into a decision-making model that uses an
action formalism with the Practical Reasoning Argumentation Scheme [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">2</xref>
          ],
argumentation frameworks, and value-based argumentation [
          <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">5</xref>
          ]. In this analysis,
emotions play an adjunct role of in uencing an agent's decision-making with
respect to what course of action to follow; emotions can increase or decrease
the priority given to alternative value rankings, thereby in uencing the choice
of action.
5
        </p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-5">
      <title>Emotional Argumentation Schemes for CALCRIM 511 No.</title>
      <p>
        As outlined in section 4, emotions in the context of argumentation have been
regarded as unargued for premises or as adjuncts in reasoning. However, as
claimed in [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11 ref4">4,11</xref>
        ], emotions have a direct role in argumentation in terms of how
we normatively analyze and evaluate emotional appeals. In [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">13</xref>
        ] it is argued that
emotions themselves should be viewed as objects of argumentation rather than
serving only to enhance the persuasiveness of reasoning in an argument. Thus,
rather than ltering out or subordinating to rational argument, emotions can be
rst class citizens of argumentation. In addition, we see the main advantage of
introducing emotions as rst class citizens of argumentation schemes is that we
can then argue about the emotions, which is what occurs in legal contexts.
      </p>
      <p>We introduce emotional argumentation schemes, where emotion terms are
the conclusions of argumentation schemes and follow from premises which are
given by the OCC. Thus, as with other defeasible arguments, we can argue for
or against emotional arguments. These emotional conclusions may then serve as
premises of other arguments such as Argument from Distress or as components
of such premises as in the abductive argumentation schemes.</p>
      <p>As we do not have the space in this paper to give analyses of all possible
emotional argumentation schemes, we provide one illustrative example which
represents the elements taken from the full analysis of the emotion anger in the
OCC. We have been concerned to represent the key clauses of CALCRIM No.
511, particularly:
{ Heat of passion.
{ Su cient provocation.
{ Sudden provocation.
{ Temporal proximity between provocation and o ending action.
{ Beyond reasonable doubt.</p>
      <p>The objective of reasoning about these elements is to determine whether or not
the defendant was irrational at the time of committing the o ending action. Our
strategy has been to identify sub-arguments which form a tree of justi cation,
linking conclusions of one argument with premises of another till we conclude
with the root of the whole argument. In these schemes, the root conclusion is
Agent x was irrational at the time of doing action a3, which is because Agent x
was in the heat of a passion that interfered with rationality.</p>
      <p>
        We relate the schemes here to the OCC in that we take into consideration
the concepts and relationships the OCC uses to explain emotions. The OCC has
formulae which calculate, from the values of several variables, the values of other
variables, e.g. intensity; in addition, there are complex issues about decay rates.
For our purposes, we do not provide a full analysis, including arguments and
formulae, for all these elements. In addition, the OCC and related work analyse
a spectrum of emotions in a range of degrees, while we are only interested in
creating arguments relevant to CALCRIM No. 511. In the following, premises
are introduced which would themselves require further argumentation and
eventual grounding in some base model of the emotions (for related treatments of
argumentation and semantic models see [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref22 ref3">22,3</xref>
        ]).
      </p>
      <p>The schemes we introduce below would be used in several di erent ways:
forward or backwards/abductive inference; comparing the emotional states and
actions of the defendant to those of the person of average disposition. The
comparison may give rise to further schemes and objections, which we do not
introduce here.</p>
      <p>
        As we are providing defeasible argumentation schemes, used in context where
knowledge is partial or perhaps inconsistent, there may be a variety of ways
to defeat the arguments: one may object directly that some premise (or the
conclusion) is false, giving the premises from which this objection presumptively
follows; one may object that while a premise is not false, it is insu ciently
supported, then providing an argument with the selected premise as conclusion,
but the argument itself has a falsi able premise; one may argue that the scheme
is inapplicable in a particular circumstance; one might cite exceptions which
hold, so the presumptive conclusion does not obviously follow. We leave implicit
these various ways of arguing against the schemes. However, these various ways
to attack the scheme represent the distinct ways that the arguments can be
attacked, moving closer to the goal of making such reasoning explicit and formal
[
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">9</xref>
        ]. In a legal setting, they could be used by legal professionals to analyse the
emotional arguments.
      </p>
      <sec id="sec-5-1">
        <title>Disapproval/Blameworthy Scheme</title>
        <p>Premise 1a: Agent y performs action a1.</p>
        <p>Premise 1b: Action a1 highly con icts with the standards of Agent x.
Conclusion c1: Agent x highly disapproves of Agent y's highly blameworthy
action a1.</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-5-2">
        <title>Intense Displeasure Scheme</title>
        <p>Premise 2a: Agent y performs action a2.</p>
        <p>Premise 2b: Agent x intensely desires goal g.</p>
        <p>Premise 2c: Action a2 results in not g.</p>
        <p>Conclusion c2: Agent x is intensely displeased that not g holds.</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-5-3">
        <title>Intense Anger Scheme</title>
        <p>Premise 3a: Agent x highly disapproves of Agent y's highly blameworthy
action a1.</p>
        <p>Premise 3b: Agent x is intensely displeased that not g holds.
Premise 3c: The action a1 which Agent y performed is action a2 which results
in not g.</p>
        <p>Conclusion c3: Agent x was intensely angry at Agent y with respect to action
a1.</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-5-4">
        <title>Emotionally Overwhelmed Scheme</title>
        <p>Premise 4a: Agent x was intensely angry at Agent y with respect to action
a1.</p>
        <p>Premise 4b: Agent x performs action a3, which is not equal to action a1.
Premise 4c: Action a1 happened in close temporal proximity to action a3.
Premise 4d: Action a1 was sudden and highly unexpected by Agent x.
Conclusion c4: Agent x was emotionally overwhelmed while doing action a3.</p>
      </sec>
      <sec id="sec-5-5">
        <title>Irrationality Scheme</title>
        <p>Premise 5a: Agent x was emotionally overwhelmed while doing action a3.
Premise 5b: Being emotionally overwhelmed precludes being rational.
Conclusion c5: Agent x was irrational at the time of doing action a3.</p>
        <p>The schemes for Disapproval/Blameworthy and Intense Displeasure
are used to argue for the conclusion of Intense Anger Scheme. The
Emotionally Overwhelmed Scheme uses the intense anger conclusion along with
temporal proximity and suddenness to conclude that the agent is emotionally
overwhelmed. The Irrationality Scheme uses this conclusion along with a
premise about the relationship between emotionality and rationality to conclude
that the agent was irrational. This last conclusion is the target required (for
our purposes) for excusable homicide { the killer was in the heat of passion, so
not rationally in control of (or responsible for) his actions. Of course, a range of
other conditions (not given) are required as well since the killing must also be
accidental. Finally, for the burden of proof to be satis ed, there ought to be no
reasonable means to defeat these arguments for irrational behaviour.</p>
        <p>A fully spelled out range of argumentation schemes would be more extensive
than these several schemes and include reasoning about the various elements
of the OCC, the COO, the comparison between the defendant and a person of
average disposition, auxiliary supporting evidence, and reported bodily states.
Nonetheless, our analysis gives a clear indication of how emotional
argumentation schemes can constructed, linked to further arguments, such as the
relationship between emotionality and rationality, and elaborated further. In our
view, a key advantage of presenting emotional argumentation schemes is not
only the explicitness and clarity, but that we can introduce objections at key
points which undermine the presumptive conclusions. Such objections are key in
legal arguments and reaching judgments.</p>
      </sec>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-6">
      <title>Future Work</title>
      <p>
        We propose to continue to research into the many facets of emotions in legal
reasoning so that they may be better understood and used in argumentation
schemes and argumentation frameworks. Achieving this would facilitate a
discussion of the relevant emotions present in the case by the judge, jury and
lawyers rather than dismissing them as ad hoc arguments. One potentially
useful approach is to use the argumentation schemes we have introduced along with
argumentation schemes used to argue about stories and criminal evidence [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6">6</xref>
        ],
where emotional states of participants may be important components. One
current, generic problem with argumentation schemes of [
        <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref21">21</xref>
        ] is that other than the
premise-claim structure, they are largely unconstrained; to make a
computationally satisfactory theory, some well-formedness conditions would have to be
introduced.
      </p>
      <p>We have here presumed the OCC and COO accounts of the structures of
the emotions rather than providing them explicitly either as formulae or as
argumentation schemes. It remains to be developed how to account for intensity,
decay, and the role of moods which alter the parameters. Nor have we provided
argumentation schemes for the spectrum of emotions. Similarly, our schemes
may need to be enriched with other aspects of reasoning about the emotions
that are relevant in a legal context. This said, argumentation schemes along the
lines such as we have provided do seem plausible as representations of emotional
arguments in legal settings; they also provide an extensible and exible structure
for further development.
7</p>
    </sec>
    <sec id="sec-7">
      <title>Acknowledgements</title>
      <p>The second author was supported by the FP7-ICT-2009-4 Programme, IMPACT
Project, Grant Agreement Number 247228. The views expressed are, however,
those of the authors and should not be taken as representative of the project.</p>
    </sec>
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